东亚地区安全架构中的同盟政治与领土争端——以中日钓鱼岛争端和中菲南海争端为例
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摘要
尽管关于同盟和同盟承诺的研究成果并不少见,但是"一国会在什么情况下介入盟国与第三方之间的领土主权争端"这一问题并没有得到很好的回答。事实上,同盟关系本身并不足以说明同盟一方是否会介入盟国与第三方的领土主权争端。同盟介入争端的程度和意愿取决于三大因素:同盟条约的规定、介入争端的收益以及同盟牵连的风险。这也是美国在多次公开承诺《美日安保条约》适用于钓鱼岛的同时,拒绝将菲律宾主张的南沙岛礁和黄岩岛纳入《美菲共同防御条约》的重要原因。尽管不应过分夸大同盟在领土争端问题上的威慑作用,但是从其客观影响来看,美国出于自身利益介入东亚地区领土争端,只会激化问题,加剧争端解决的复杂性。
Much research has been done on alliance and alliance commitment, but little has addressed the question that under what conditions will a nation intervene in the dispute over territory and sovereignty between its alliance with a third party. In fact, the existence of alliance relations is not the prerequisite that a nation will assist its ally in a territorial dispute. The nation's willingness of intervention and degree of involvement are subject to three factors: alliance obligation, benefits from the intervention, and risks of alliance entanglement. These differences explain why the US officially claimed that the US-Japan Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security applies to dispute over Diaoyu Islands, while refuses to provide its defense commitment to the Philippines when it comes to the South China Sea. Although we should not exaggerate the alliance's deterrence effect on territorial disputes, we need bear in mind that the US's unneutral intervention would only intensify regional disputes in East Asia and aggravate the complexity to a peaceful settlement.
Much research has been done on alliance and alliance commitment, but little has addressed the question that under what conditions will a nation intervene in the dispute over territory and sovereignty between its alliance with a third party. In fact, the existence of alliance relations is not the prerequisite that a nation will assist its ally in a territorial dispute. The nation's willingness of intervention and degree of involvement are subject to three factors: alliance obligation, benefits from the intervention, and risks of alliance entanglement. These differences explain why the US officially claimed that the US-Japan Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security applies to dispute over Diaoyu Islands, while refuses to provide its defense commitment to the Philippines when it comes to the South China Sea. Although we should not exaggerate the alliance's deterrence effect on territorial disputes, we need bear in mind that the US's unneutral intervention would only intensify regional disputes in East Asia and aggravate the complexity to a peaceful settlement.
引文
① “Peace Treaty with Japan”,United Nations Treaty Collection,September 8,1951,https://treaties.un.org/doc/publication/unts/volume%20136/volume-136-i-1832-english.pdf.
(1)Mark E.Rosen,JD,LLM,“Philippine Claims in the South China Sea:A Legal Analysis”,Center for Navy Analyses,August 2014,https://www.cna.org/cna_files/pdf/iop-2014-u-008435.pdf.
(2)吴志成、陈一一:“美国在黄岩岛与钓鱼岛问题上的立场缘何不同?”《现代国际关系》,2013年第4期,第35-40页。
(3)Arnold Wolfers,“Alliances”,in David L.Sills ed.,International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences,Vol.1,New York:Macmillan Publishing,1968,pp.268-271.
(4)Paul K Huth,Standing Your Ground:Territorial Disputes and International Conflict,Michigan:the University of Michigan Press,1996,pp.160-163.
(5)相关研究参见唐慧云:“1950—1979年间中越同盟中的苏联因素”,《国际关系学院学报》,2011年第3期,第7-12页。
(6)Thorin M.Wright and Toby J.Rider,“Disputed Territory,Defensive Alliances and Conflict Initiation”,Conflict Management and Peace Science,Vol.31,No.2,2014,pp.119-144.
(7)同①,pp.118-119.
(8)John Vasquez,The War Puzzle Revisited,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2009,p.368.
(9)James D.Morrow,“Alliance:Why Write Them Down?” Annual Review of Political Science,Vol.3,No.1,2000,p.79.
(10)Tongfi Kim,“Why Alliances Entangle But Seldom Entrap States”,Security Studies,Vol.20,2011,pp.350-377.
(11)Brett Ashley Leeds,“Do Alliance Deter Aggression?The Influence of Military Alliances on the Initiation of Militarized Interstate Disputes”,American Journal of Political Science,No.47,2003,pp.427-439.
(12)Brett Ashley Leeds,“Alliance Reliability in Times of War:Explaining State Decisions to Violate Treaties”,International Organization,Vol.57,No.4,2003,p.805.
(13)Brett Ashley Leeds,Andrew G.Long and Sara Mclaughlin Mitchell,“Reevaluating Alliance Reliability:Specific Threats,Specific Promises”,Journal of Conflict Resolution,Vol.44,No.5,2000,pp.686-698.
(14)王石山、韩召颖:“美国为何援助国际危机中的盟国(1946—2006)”,《世界经济与政治》,2014年第8期,第107-134页。
(15)James D.Morrow,“Alliance:Why Write Them Down?” Annual Review of Political Science,Vol.3,No.1,2000,pp.63-83.
(16)牛军:“朝鲜战争中中美决策比较研究”,《当代中国史研究》,2000年第6期,第36-55页。
(17)Tongfi Kim,“Why Alliances Entangle But Seldom Entrap States”,Security Studies,Vol.20,2011,p.355.
(18)Michael Beckley,“The Myth of Entangling Alliances:Reassessing the Security Risks of U.S.Defense Pacts”,International Security,Vol.39,No.4,2015,p.12.
(19)同③,pp.7-48.
(20)菲律宾称“卡拉延群岛”。
(21)M.Taylor Fravel,“Explaining Stability in the Senkaku (Diaoyu) Islands Dispute”,in Gerald L.Curtis,Ryosei Kokubun and Jisi Wang eds.,Getting the Triangle Straight:Managing China-Japan-US Relations,Tokyo:Japan Center for International Exchange,2010,p.147.
(22)Jean-Marc F.Blanchard,“The U.S.Role in the Sino-Japanese Dispute over the Diaoyu(Senkaku) Islands,1945-1971”,the China Quarterly,No.161,2000,p.120.
(23)“Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security Between Japan and the United States of America”,Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan,January 19,1960,https://www.mofa.go.jp/region/n-america/us/q&a/ref/1.html.
(24)Mark E.Manyin,“The Senkakus(Diaoyu/Diaoyutai) Dispute:U.S.Treaty Obligations”,Congressional Research Service Report R42761,Federation of American Scientists,October 14,2016,https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R42761.pdf.
(25)Jean-Marc F.Blanchard,“The U.S.Role in the Sino-Japanese Dispute Over the Diaoyu(Senkaku) Islands,1945-1971”,the China Quarterly,No.161,2000,p.120.
(26)郭永虎:“关于中日钓鱼岛争端中‘美国因素’的历史考察”,《中国边疆史地研究》,2005年第4期,第111-117页。
(27)Tongfi Kim,“US Alliance Obligations in the Disputes in the East and South China Seas:Issues of Applicability and Interpretations”,Peace Research Institute Frankfurt Report,No.141,the Peace Research Institute Frankfurt,2016,p.8,https://www.hsfk.de/fileadmin/HSFK/hsfk_publikationen/prif141.pdf.
(28)同④。
(29)Hillary Clinton,“Joint Press Availability with Japanese Foreign Minister Seiji Maehara”,U.S.Department of State,October 27,2010,https://2009-2017.state.gov/secretary/20092013clinton/rm/2010/10/150110.htm.
(30)Jean-Marc F.Blanchard,“The U.S.Role in the Sino-Japanese Dispute over the Diaoyu(Senkaku) Islands,1945-1971”,the China Quarterly,No.161,2000,pp.102-109.
(31)同①,p.104。
(32)王新生:“佐藤政权时期‘冲绳归还’的政治过程”,《日本学刊》,2012年第3期,第154页。
(33)崔修竹、崔丕:“美日返还琉球群岛和大东群岛施政权谈判中的钓鱼岛问题”,《世界历史》,2014年第5期,第19-22页。
(34)朱凤岚:“论冷战后日美同盟关系的调整”,《国际论坛》,2005年第5期,第12-13页。
(35)陶文钊:“冷战后美日同盟的三次调整”,《美国研究》,2015年第4期,第29页。
(36)“United States Security Strategy for the East Asia-Pacific Region”,U.S.Department of Defense,1995,https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/003052174.
(37)“Japan-U.S.Joint Declaration on Security:Alliance for the 21st Century”,Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan,April 17,1996,https://www.mofa.go.jp/region/n-america/us/security/security.html.
(38)“The Guidelines for Japan-U.S.Defense Cooperation”,Ministry of Defense of Japan,September 23,1997,http://www.mod.go.jp/e/d_act/anpo/19970923.html.
(39)陶文钊:“冷战后美日同盟的三次调整”,《美国研究》,2015年第4期,第26页。
(40)Ian E.Rinehart,“New U.S.-Japan Defense Guidelines Deepen Alliance Cooperation”,Congress Research Service Reports,Federation of American Scientists,April 28,2015,https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/IN10265.pdf.
(41)苗吉:“日本钓鱼岛政策及其走向”,《太平洋学报》,2016年第11期,第50页。
(42)史春林、李秀英:“美国岛链封锁及其对我国海上安全的影响”,《世界地理研究》,2013年第2期,第6页。
(43)James D.Morrow,“Alliance:Why Write Them Down?” Annual Review of Political Science,Vol.3,No.1,2000,pp.63-83.
(44)Bonnie Glaser,“US Interests in Japan’s Territorial and Maritime Disputes with China and South Korea”,Discussion Paper presented in the 7th Berlin Conference on Asian Security,Berlin,July 1-2,2013,Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik,https://www.swp-berlin.org/fileadmin/contents/products/projekt_papiere/BCAS2013_Bonnie_Glaser.pdf.
(45)Yoichiro Sato,“The Senkaku Dispute and the US-Japan Security Treaty”,Pacific Forum,No.57,2012,p.1.
(46)Mrak E.Manyin,“The Senkakus(Diaoyu/Diaoyutai) Dispute:U.S.Treaty Obligations”,Congressional Research Service Report R42761,October 14,2016,p.7,https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R42761.pdf.
(47)United States Congress,National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2013,Public Law 112-239,January 2,2013,U.S.Government Publishing Office,https://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/PLAW-112publ239/html/PLAW-112publ239.htm.
(48)“Remarks with Japanese Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida After Their Meeting”,U.S.Department of State,January 19,2013,https://2009-2017.state.gov/secretary/20092013clinton/rm/2013/01/203050.htm.
(49)“Statement on the East China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone”,U.S.Department of State,November 23,2013,https://2009-2017.state.gov/secretary/remarks/2013/11/218013.htm.
(50)Tongfi Kim,“US Alliance Obligations in the Disputes in the East and South China Seas:Issues of Applicability and Interpretations”,Peace Research Institute Frankfurt Report,No.141,2016,p.3,the Peace Research Institute Frankfurt,https://www.hsfk.de/fileadmin/HSFK/hsfk_publikationen/prif141.pdf.
(51)Thomas Lum and Ben Dolven,“The Republic of the Philippines and U.S.Interests-2014”,Congressional Research Service Report,May 15,2014,p.12,Federation of American Scientists,,https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R43498.pdf.
(52)Jay L.Batongbacal,“EDCA and the West Philippine Sea”,Rappler,December 12,2014,http://www.rappler.com/thought-leaders/77823-edca-west-philippine-sea-america.
(53)Michael R.Pompeo,“ Remarks With Philippine Foreign Secretary Teodoro Locsin,Jr.”,U.S.Department of State,March 1,2019,https://www.state.gov/secretary/remarks/2019/03/289799.htm.
(54)同②。
(55)Christine Shelly,“U.S.policy on Spratlys and the South China Sea”,U.S.Department of State,Daily Press Briefing,May 10,1995,http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/ERC/briefing/daily_briefings/1995/9505/950510db.html.
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(57)Hillary Clinton,“Remarks with Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta,Philippines Foreign Secretary Albert Del Rosario,and Philippines Defense Secretary Voltaire Gazmin After Their Meeting”,U.S.Department of State,April 30,2012,https://2009-2017.state.gov/secretary/20092013clinton/rm/2012/04/188982.htm.
(58)Maria Ortuoste,“The Philippines in the South China Sea:Out of Time,Out of Options?”Southeast Asian Affairs,Vol.1,2013,p.244.
(59)Richard D.Fisher,Jr.,“Rebuilding the U.S.-Philippine Alliance”,the Heritage Foundation Backgrounder,No.12,1999,p.3.
(60)Renato Cruz De Castro,“Special Relations and Alliance Politics in Philippine-U.S.Security Relations,1990-2002”,Asian Perspective,Vol.27,No.1,2003,pp.144-146.
(61)Mely Caballero-Anthony,“Beyond the Iraq Hostage Crisis:Re-assessing US-Philippine Relations”,IDSS Commentaries,July 28,2004.
(62)“Speech of Hillary Clinton in the Annual Meeting of the larger ASEAN Regional Forum”,U.S.Department of State,July 23,2010,https://2009-2017.state.gov/secretary/20092013clinton/rm/2010/07/145095.htm.
(63)Michael R.Pompeo,“ Remarks with Philippine Foreign Secretary Teodoro Locsin,Jr.”,U.S.Department of State,March 1,2019,https://www.state.gov/secretary/remarks/2019/03/289799.htm.
(64)Daniel R.Russel,“The Future of U.S.-China Relations”,testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee,U.S.Department of State,June 25,2014,https://2009-2017.state.gov/p/eap/rls/rm/2014/06/228415.htm.
(65)M.Taylor Fravel,“Explaining Stability in the Senkaku (Diaoyu) Islands Dispute”,in Gerald L.Curtis,Ryosei Kokubun and Jisi Wang eds.,Getting the Triangle Straight:Managing China-Japan-US Relations,Tokyo:Japan Center for International Exchange,2010,p.160.
(66)Leszek Buszenski,“ASEAN,the Declaration on Conduct,and the South China Sea”,Contemporary Southeast Asia,Vol.25,No.3,2003,pp.343-362.
(67)Andy Yee,“Maritime Territorial Disputes in East Asia:A Comparative Analysis of the South China Sea and the East China Sea”,Journal of Current Chinese Affairs,No.2,2011,p.189.
(68)Paterno Esmaquel II,“Lorenzana- Locsin Clash over Mutual Defense Treaty Heats up”,Rappler,March 5,2019,https://www.rappler.com/nation/224962-lorenzana-clashes-locsin-philippines-us-mutual-defense-treaty.
(69)“王毅:‘南海行为准则’单一磋商文本草案形成,证明中国和东盟国家有能力达成共同遵守的地区规则”,中华人民共和国外交部,2018年8月2日,http://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/wjdt_674879/gjldrhd_674881/t1582564.shtml。
(1)Mark E.Rosen,JD,LLM,“Philippine Claims in the South China Sea:A Legal Analysis”,Center for Navy Analyses,August 2014,https://www.cna.org/cna_files/pdf/iop-2014-u-008435.pdf.
(2)吴志成、陈一一:“美国在黄岩岛与钓鱼岛问题上的立场缘何不同?”《现代国际关系》,2013年第4期,第35-40页。
(3)Arnold Wolfers,“Alliances”,in David L.Sills ed.,International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences,Vol.1,New York:Macmillan Publishing,1968,pp.268-271.
(4)Paul K Huth,Standing Your Ground:Territorial Disputes and International Conflict,Michigan:the University of Michigan Press,1996,pp.160-163.
(5)相关研究参见唐慧云:“1950—1979年间中越同盟中的苏联因素”,《国际关系学院学报》,2011年第3期,第7-12页。
(6)Thorin M.Wright and Toby J.Rider,“Disputed Territory,Defensive Alliances and Conflict Initiation”,Conflict Management and Peace Science,Vol.31,No.2,2014,pp.119-144.
(7)同①,pp.118-119.
(8)John Vasquez,The War Puzzle Revisited,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2009,p.368.
(9)James D.Morrow,“Alliance:Why Write Them Down?” Annual Review of Political Science,Vol.3,No.1,2000,p.79.
(10)Tongfi Kim,“Why Alliances Entangle But Seldom Entrap States”,Security Studies,Vol.20,2011,pp.350-377.
(11)Brett Ashley Leeds,“Do Alliance Deter Aggression?The Influence of Military Alliances on the Initiation of Militarized Interstate Disputes”,American Journal of Political Science,No.47,2003,pp.427-439.
(12)Brett Ashley Leeds,“Alliance Reliability in Times of War:Explaining State Decisions to Violate Treaties”,International Organization,Vol.57,No.4,2003,p.805.
(13)Brett Ashley Leeds,Andrew G.Long and Sara Mclaughlin Mitchell,“Reevaluating Alliance Reliability:Specific Threats,Specific Promises”,Journal of Conflict Resolution,Vol.44,No.5,2000,pp.686-698.
(14)王石山、韩召颖:“美国为何援助国际危机中的盟国(1946—2006)”,《世界经济与政治》,2014年第8期,第107-134页。
(15)James D.Morrow,“Alliance:Why Write Them Down?” Annual Review of Political Science,Vol.3,No.1,2000,pp.63-83.
(16)牛军:“朝鲜战争中中美决策比较研究”,《当代中国史研究》,2000年第6期,第36-55页。
(17)Tongfi Kim,“Why Alliances Entangle But Seldom Entrap States”,Security Studies,Vol.20,2011,p.355.
(18)Michael Beckley,“The Myth of Entangling Alliances:Reassessing the Security Risks of U.S.Defense Pacts”,International Security,Vol.39,No.4,2015,p.12.
(19)同③,pp.7-48.
(20)菲律宾称“卡拉延群岛”。
(21)M.Taylor Fravel,“Explaining Stability in the Senkaku (Diaoyu) Islands Dispute”,in Gerald L.Curtis,Ryosei Kokubun and Jisi Wang eds.,Getting the Triangle Straight:Managing China-Japan-US Relations,Tokyo:Japan Center for International Exchange,2010,p.147.
(22)Jean-Marc F.Blanchard,“The U.S.Role in the Sino-Japanese Dispute over the Diaoyu(Senkaku) Islands,1945-1971”,the China Quarterly,No.161,2000,p.120.
(23)“Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security Between Japan and the United States of America”,Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan,January 19,1960,https://www.mofa.go.jp/region/n-america/us/q&a/ref/1.html.
(24)Mark E.Manyin,“The Senkakus(Diaoyu/Diaoyutai) Dispute:U.S.Treaty Obligations”,Congressional Research Service Report R42761,Federation of American Scientists,October 14,2016,https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R42761.pdf.
(25)Jean-Marc F.Blanchard,“The U.S.Role in the Sino-Japanese Dispute Over the Diaoyu(Senkaku) Islands,1945-1971”,the China Quarterly,No.161,2000,p.120.
(26)郭永虎:“关于中日钓鱼岛争端中‘美国因素’的历史考察”,《中国边疆史地研究》,2005年第4期,第111-117页。
(27)Tongfi Kim,“US Alliance Obligations in the Disputes in the East and South China Seas:Issues of Applicability and Interpretations”,Peace Research Institute Frankfurt Report,No.141,the Peace Research Institute Frankfurt,2016,p.8,https://www.hsfk.de/fileadmin/HSFK/hsfk_publikationen/prif141.pdf.
(28)同④。
(29)Hillary Clinton,“Joint Press Availability with Japanese Foreign Minister Seiji Maehara”,U.S.Department of State,October 27,2010,https://2009-2017.state.gov/secretary/20092013clinton/rm/2010/10/150110.htm.
(30)Jean-Marc F.Blanchard,“The U.S.Role in the Sino-Japanese Dispute over the Diaoyu(Senkaku) Islands,1945-1971”,the China Quarterly,No.161,2000,pp.102-109.
(31)同①,p.104。
(32)王新生:“佐藤政权时期‘冲绳归还’的政治过程”,《日本学刊》,2012年第3期,第154页。
(33)崔修竹、崔丕:“美日返还琉球群岛和大东群岛施政权谈判中的钓鱼岛问题”,《世界历史》,2014年第5期,第19-22页。
(34)朱凤岚:“论冷战后日美同盟关系的调整”,《国际论坛》,2005年第5期,第12-13页。
(35)陶文钊:“冷战后美日同盟的三次调整”,《美国研究》,2015年第4期,第29页。
(36)“United States Security Strategy for the East Asia-Pacific Region”,U.S.Department of Defense,1995,https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/003052174.
(37)“Japan-U.S.Joint Declaration on Security:Alliance for the 21st Century”,Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan,April 17,1996,https://www.mofa.go.jp/region/n-america/us/security/security.html.
(38)“The Guidelines for Japan-U.S.Defense Cooperation”,Ministry of Defense of Japan,September 23,1997,http://www.mod.go.jp/e/d_act/anpo/19970923.html.
(39)陶文钊:“冷战后美日同盟的三次调整”,《美国研究》,2015年第4期,第26页。
(40)Ian E.Rinehart,“New U.S.-Japan Defense Guidelines Deepen Alliance Cooperation”,Congress Research Service Reports,Federation of American Scientists,April 28,2015,https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/IN10265.pdf.
(41)苗吉:“日本钓鱼岛政策及其走向”,《太平洋学报》,2016年第11期,第50页。
(42)史春林、李秀英:“美国岛链封锁及其对我国海上安全的影响”,《世界地理研究》,2013年第2期,第6页。
(43)James D.Morrow,“Alliance:Why Write Them Down?” Annual Review of Political Science,Vol.3,No.1,2000,pp.63-83.
(44)Bonnie Glaser,“US Interests in Japan’s Territorial and Maritime Disputes with China and South Korea”,Discussion Paper presented in the 7th Berlin Conference on Asian Security,Berlin,July 1-2,2013,Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik,https://www.swp-berlin.org/fileadmin/contents/products/projekt_papiere/BCAS2013_Bonnie_Glaser.pdf.
(45)Yoichiro Sato,“The Senkaku Dispute and the US-Japan Security Treaty”,Pacific Forum,No.57,2012,p.1.
(46)Mrak E.Manyin,“The Senkakus(Diaoyu/Diaoyutai) Dispute:U.S.Treaty Obligations”,Congressional Research Service Report R42761,October 14,2016,p.7,https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R42761.pdf.
(47)United States Congress,National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2013,Public Law 112-239,January 2,2013,U.S.Government Publishing Office,https://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/PLAW-112publ239/html/PLAW-112publ239.htm.
(48)“Remarks with Japanese Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida After Their Meeting”,U.S.Department of State,January 19,2013,https://2009-2017.state.gov/secretary/20092013clinton/rm/2013/01/203050.htm.
(49)“Statement on the East China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone”,U.S.Department of State,November 23,2013,https://2009-2017.state.gov/secretary/remarks/2013/11/218013.htm.
(50)Tongfi Kim,“US Alliance Obligations in the Disputes in the East and South China Seas:Issues of Applicability and Interpretations”,Peace Research Institute Frankfurt Report,No.141,2016,p.3,the Peace Research Institute Frankfurt,https://www.hsfk.de/fileadmin/HSFK/hsfk_publikationen/prif141.pdf.
(51)Thomas Lum and Ben Dolven,“The Republic of the Philippines and U.S.Interests-2014”,Congressional Research Service Report,May 15,2014,p.12,Federation of American Scientists,,https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R43498.pdf.
(52)Jay L.Batongbacal,“EDCA and the West Philippine Sea”,Rappler,December 12,2014,http://www.rappler.com/thought-leaders/77823-edca-west-philippine-sea-america.
(53)Michael R.Pompeo,“ Remarks With Philippine Foreign Secretary Teodoro Locsin,Jr.”,U.S.Department of State,March 1,2019,https://www.state.gov/secretary/remarks/2019/03/289799.htm.
(54)同②。
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(58)Maria Ortuoste,“The Philippines in the South China Sea:Out of Time,Out of Options?”Southeast Asian Affairs,Vol.1,2013,p.244.
(59)Richard D.Fisher,Jr.,“Rebuilding the U.S.-Philippine Alliance”,the Heritage Foundation Backgrounder,No.12,1999,p.3.
(60)Renato Cruz De Castro,“Special Relations and Alliance Politics in Philippine-U.S.Security Relations,1990-2002”,Asian Perspective,Vol.27,No.1,2003,pp.144-146.
(61)Mely Caballero-Anthony,“Beyond the Iraq Hostage Crisis:Re-assessing US-Philippine Relations”,IDSS Commentaries,July 28,2004.
(62)“Speech of Hillary Clinton in the Annual Meeting of the larger ASEAN Regional Forum”,U.S.Department of State,July 23,2010,https://2009-2017.state.gov/secretary/20092013clinton/rm/2010/07/145095.htm.
(63)Michael R.Pompeo,“ Remarks with Philippine Foreign Secretary Teodoro Locsin,Jr.”,U.S.Department of State,March 1,2019,https://www.state.gov/secretary/remarks/2019/03/289799.htm.
(64)Daniel R.Russel,“The Future of U.S.-China Relations”,testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee,U.S.Department of State,June 25,2014,https://2009-2017.state.gov/p/eap/rls/rm/2014/06/228415.htm.
(65)M.Taylor Fravel,“Explaining Stability in the Senkaku (Diaoyu) Islands Dispute”,in Gerald L.Curtis,Ryosei Kokubun and Jisi Wang eds.,Getting the Triangle Straight:Managing China-Japan-US Relations,Tokyo:Japan Center for International Exchange,2010,p.160.
(66)Leszek Buszenski,“ASEAN,the Declaration on Conduct,and the South China Sea”,Contemporary Southeast Asia,Vol.25,No.3,2003,pp.343-362.
(67)Andy Yee,“Maritime Territorial Disputes in East Asia:A Comparative Analysis of the South China Sea and the East China Sea”,Journal of Current Chinese Affairs,No.2,2011,p.189.
(68)Paterno Esmaquel II,“Lorenzana- Locsin Clash over Mutual Defense Treaty Heats up”,Rappler,March 5,2019,https://www.rappler.com/nation/224962-lorenzana-clashes-locsin-philippines-us-mutual-defense-treaty.
(69)“王毅:‘南海行为准则’单一磋商文本草案形成,证明中国和东盟国家有能力达成共同遵守的地区规则”,中华人民共和国外交部,2018年8月2日,http://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/wjdt_674879/gjldrhd_674881/t1582564.shtml。