生产新空间:近代中国建市划界、冲突及其意涵——写在《城镇乡自治章程》颁布110年
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摘要
现代城市的建设是民族国家建设的依托。现代城市作为一种新的空间,与治权、治域、治理结构相关。"要建国先建市,要建市先建制"成为当时的普遍认识。"建市"是历经约开商埠和租界、自开商埠、城厢官治改革和地方自治变革后,国家政权对这一新类型空间的法定确认——它并非突然出现。它要将"市"——现代化的实践场所,现代性的孕育空间,从旧有的广大的小农社会中切割出来。中国现代城市的出现是中央政府的赋权,不是地方内生性发展的结构。赋权得到的权力的合法性,需要在一定的空间范围内实践。如何从肌理细密的、以小农生产为主的县的空间范围中切割出市的空间,是一个现代性的议题。近代中国建市过程中的省市县划界,是生产现代性的正式开始。
Modem cities are established to support the building of nation states. As a new type of space, modern cities reflect local regime, territory and governance. It had been widely acknowledged by the elites in the history that the establishment of cities predated the building of a modem country while regulatory setups took the precedence over city development. The establishment of cities symbolized statutory recognition of the new space as a result of gradually opening the ports, establishing concessions, undertaking government reforms and allowing self-governance in city areas. As the experimental space of modernization and the breeding ground of modernity,cities were set to be separated from small farming societies. The establishment of Chinese cities was enabled by the central government, rather than a result of endogenous development. The legitimacy of delegated power needed to be practiced within the boundary of the city space. How to carve outcity spaces from counties, the basic administrative unit of traditional China dominated by practice of small farming, is a significant topic in modernity studies. The demarcation of provinces, cities and counties is an official milestone of the production of modernity.
Modem cities are established to support the building of nation states. As a new type of space, modern cities reflect local regime, territory and governance. It had been widely acknowledged by the elites in the history that the establishment of cities predated the building of a modem country while regulatory setups took the precedence over city development. The establishment of cities symbolized statutory recognition of the new space as a result of gradually opening the ports, establishing concessions, undertaking government reforms and allowing self-governance in city areas. As the experimental space of modernization and the breeding ground of modernity,cities were set to be separated from small farming societies. The establishment of Chinese cities was enabled by the central government, rather than a result of endogenous development. The legitimacy of delegated power needed to be practiced within the boundary of the city space. How to carve outcity spaces from counties, the basic administrative unit of traditional China dominated by practice of small farming, is a significant topic in modernity studies. The demarcation of provinces, cities and counties is an official milestone of the production of modernity.
引文
[1]北平特别市市土地局.北平特别市区域略图,北平特别市暂定区域图[J].土地特刊,1929(1):10-11.(Land Bureau of Beiping Special City. Sketch district map of Beiping special city, tentative district map of Beiping special city[J]. Land(Special Issue),1929(1):10-11.)
[2]陈序经.乡村建设的途径[J].当代评论,1943.4(2):11-13.(CHEN Xujing.The path of rural development[J]. Contemporary Review, 1943. 4(2):11-13.)
[3]陈玉琳.纪天津市县划界之经过[J].河北月刊,1934,2(2):1-10.(CHEN Yulin. The demarcation process of Tianjin city and counry[J]. Hebei Monthly,1934,2(2):1-10.)
[4]费正清,刘广京.剑桥中国晚清史[M].北京:中国社会科学出版社.2006.(FAIRBANK J K, LIU Guangjing. Cambridge Chinese history of late Qing[M].Beijing:China Social Sciences Press. 2006.)
[5]故宫博物院明清档案部.清末筹备立宪档案史料(下册)[M].北京:中华书局,1979.(The Palace Museum's Archives Department of the Ming and Qing Dynasties. The archives of Qing Dynasty's preparation of constitutionalism(II)[M].Beijing:Zhonghua Book Company, 1979.)
[6]江苏省政府.咨内政部表示对于京市划界问题意见[J].江苏省政府公报,1929(327):10-11.(Jiangsu Provincial Government. The request to Ministry of Internal Affairs on the demarcation of the city[J]. Jiangsu Provincial Government Gazette, 1929(327):10-11.)
[7]牟复礼.元末明初期南京的变迁[M]//威廉·施坚雅.中华帝国晚期的城市.北京:中华书局,2002.(MOTE F.W.The transformation of Nanjing,1350-1400.[M]//SKINNER W. G. The city in late imperial China. Beijing:Zhonghua Book Company, 2002.)
[8]莫鸿秋.论说:城镇乡自治章程定自治名义之解释[J].广东地方自治研究表1909(12):1-11.(MO Hongqiu. On the interpretation of the autonomy of township local autonomy regulations[J]. The Study of Guangdong Local Auton—omy,1909(12):1-11.)
[9]尼科斯·波朗查斯.政治权力与社会阶级[M].叶林,译.北京:中国社会科学出版社.1982.(POLANCHAS N. Political power and social class[M]. YE Lin,translate. Beijing:China Social Sciences Press, 1982.)
[10]钱穆.中国历代政治得失[M].北京:生活、读书、新知三联书店.2001.(QIAN Mu. Chinese political gains and losses through history[M].Beijing:Life, Reading,Xinzhi Sanlian Bookstore,2001.)
[11]钱端升.民国政制史(下)[M].上海:上海世纪出版集团,2011.(QIAN Duansheng. History of the Republic of China's political policies(II)[M]. Shanghai:Shanghai Century Publishing Group, 2011.)
[12]钱能训.京都市政公所暂行编制[J].政府公报,1918(707):8-11.(QIAN Nengxun. Provisional compilation of capital municipal public office[J]. Government Gazette, 1918(707):8-11.)
[13]邱致中.建国必先建市论[J].市政评论,1947.9(8):13-15.(QIU Zhizhong.The establishment of state must develop cities first[J]. Municipal Review, 1947. 9(8):13-15.)
[14]上海特别市市政府训令第八号:令上海市公所[J].上海特别市市政府市政公报, 1927(1):9.(Shanghai Special City and Municipal Government order No.8:to Shanghai Municipal Government[J]. Shanghai Special Municipality Municipal Government Municipal Gazette, 1927(1):9.)
[15]颂华.上海市政府[N].太平导报,1927.2(9):2-3.(SONG Hua. Shanghai Municipal Government[N]. Taiping Herald, 1927.2(9):2-3.)
[16]孙科.都市规画论[J].建设,1919.1(5):855-871.(SUN Fo. On urban planning[J]. Construction, 1919.1(5):855-871.)
[17]孙科.广州市政[N],民国日报·觉悟,1924.10(12):4.(SUN Fo. Guangzhou municipal process and achievement[N]. Republic of China Daily·Enlightenment[N],1924.10(12):4.)
[18][清]王梦庚,修.寇宗,幕.道光《重庆府志》:凡例[M].北京:国家图书馆出版社,2011.([Qing]WANG Menggeng, KOU Zong. Daoguang"Chongqing Fuzhi", instruction[M]. Beijing:National Library of China Publishing House, 2011.)
[19]成廉·施坚雅.中华帝国晚期的城市[M].北京:中华书局,2002.(SKINNER W. G. The city in late imperial China[M].Beijing:Zhonghua Book Company,2002.)
[20]吴景超.发展都市以救济农村[J].独立评论,1934(118):5-7.(WU Jingchao.Developing cities to relieve countryside[J].Independent Review,1934(118):5—7.)
[21]羲庐.呼声:省市划界声中纠纷不决之诸翟镇:全镇争划上海市坚持到底!居民反对嘉定县永不合作[N]!沪西,1948.2(2):1-2.(XI Lu.Voice:Zhuzhai town in the demarcation dispute between the province and the city:the town is battling for into Shanghai to the end! Residents against Jiading County will never cooperate[N]!Huxi,1948.2(2):1-2.)
[22]杨宇振.朱启钤(桂辛)先生初步研究及其他——一份近代城市史视野中的历史人物研究简报[J].建筑师,2007(6):87-92.(YANG Yuzhen. Preliminary study of Zhu Qizhen(Gui Xin)and others-a brief report on historical figures in the perspective of modem urban history[J].The Architect,2007(06):87-92.)
[23]杨宇振.歧路:20世纪20-30年代部分农村研究文献的简要回顾[J].新建筑,2015(1):4-8.(YANG Yuzhen. Alternative road:a brief literature review of rural China studies in the 1920s-1930s[J]. New Architecture, 2015(1):4-8.)
[24]杨宇振.中国城市百年:历史与当下[J].文化纵横,2018(2):22-30.(YANG Yuzhen. A century of Chinese cities:history and the present[J]. Beijing Culture Review, 2018(2):22-30.)
[25]张之洞.致长沙俞抚台(光绪二十年正月十三日)[M]//张文襄公全集.影印本.卷158.电犊37.台北:台北文海出版社,1970.(ZHANG Zhidong.To Changsha Yufutai(the 13th day of Guangxu 20th)[M]//The complete works of Zhang Zhidong. Photocopy. Volume 158. Telegraph 37. Taibei:Taipei Wenhai Publishing House, 1970.)
[26]朱寿朋.光绪朝东华录第四卷[M].北京:中华书局,1958.(ZHU Shoupeng.Guangxu Chaodong Hua record 4[M]. Beijing:Zhonghua Book Company, 1958.)
[27]仲山.每周评论:省市划界[N].大无畏周刊,1929(2):5.(ZHONG Shan. Weekly comment:provincial and municipal demarcation[N]. Gig Fearless Weekly, 1929(2):5.)
[28]赵祖康.从都市计划观点论上海市之划界[J].市政评论.1946,8(6):9-10(ZHAO Zukang. On the demarcation of Shanghai from the perspective of urban planning[J]. Municipal Review.1946,8(6):9-10.)
(1)见:新闻:京外新闻:遣学建筑(录北洋官报)[J],载于《四川官报》,1906(14):52。
(2)见:济南城及商埠图.《日本研究》[J],1930,1(4):1。
(3)见:纪实:中外新闻:力驳开埠[J].重庆商会公报,1908(103):无页码。
(4)见:城镇乡地方自治章程[J],北洋法政学报,1909(91):1-16。
(5)清末北京的管理可见田涛等整理.清末北京城市管理法规.北京:燕山出版社,1996。一些街道管理的细节可参见:齐如山.北平杂记[M].当代中国出版社,2015。
(6)见:湖南省会警察厅、长沙县知事呈为恳请设立市政公所以一事权而利进行文(四月十九日)[J],湖南警察杂志,1917(4):7。
(7)见:湖南省会警察厅、长沙县知事呈为恳请设立市政公所以一事权而利进行文(四月十九日)[J],湖南警察杂志,1917(4):8。
(8)自开商埠中的黄埔商埠尤其需要深入研究。
(9)见:吴淞商埠局组织规程[J],江苏省公报,1921(2571):9-11。
(10)大部分的商埠与老城关系是典型的双元结构,如前述的济南、郑州、南京、上海等都是这一模式。1921年杨森任重庆商埠督办时,试图在老城对面的江北建设新商埠,但未遂。1927年潘文华在老城通远门外建设新商埠,但其管辖范围不仅在新开发区,老城市政也属于商埠督办公署管理。
(11)自治范围小于官治的范围。自治的经费或者来自官方的划拨,或者产出于自治区域的财税附加,与官治区域的财政不发生冲突,亦就无空间划界间的激烈冲突,只有事权上的争夺。但自治很显然或者加重了王朝的财政负担,或者加重了民众的纳税额。参见:政界新闻:准拨自治经费[N],大同报(上海),1908.9(22):34;筹画自治经费[N].湖南地方自治白话报,1910(5):3。
(12)“当时广州省议会既以违反民治为由,咨请省长暂缓施行市政。然省长不以为然”。见:钱端升.民国政制史(下)[M],上海:上海世纪出版集团,2011:692。
(13)见:国内市政消息:上海市[J].市政周刊,1927.1(5):35。
(14)见:上海特别市区域图[J],上海特别市农工商局半年刊1928(7):1。
(15)见:呈市长请确定区域划清权限由[J],土地局年刊,1927.1:108-109。
(16)见:民政厅长孙奂仑拟定之省市划界意见书[J],河北,1934.2(2):4-5。
(17)见:国都界限图[J].首都建设,1929(1):39。
(18)关于南京市的划界过程与冲突,可参见:徐建平.民国时期南京特别市行政区域划界研究[J].中国历史地理论丛,2013, 28(2):56-70;徐建平.民国时期的政区调整与民意表达——以二十世纪二十年代江宁县反对废县运动为例[J].历史地理,2016(01):47-61。
(19)见:民政厅长孙奂仑拟定之省市划界意见书[J],河北,1934.2(2):4-5。
(20)关于天津市的划界过程,可参见:王培利.天津市县第一次划界简析[J].历史教学(高校版),2008(3):72-75。
(21)见:本市区域划分问题[J],北平特别市公安局政治训练部旬刊,1928(6):21-22。
(22)关于成都市的划界过程,可参见:徐鹏,城乡关系视阈下民国市县划界纠纷——以成都为中心的考察[J].民国档案,2017(3):70-78。
(23)关于民国时期重庆市的划界与其中存在的问题,详见:杨宇振.重庆市与巴县、江北县的“划界”:新市与旧县的治域冲突及其意涵,载于杨宇振.历史与空间:晚清重庆城及其转变[M].重庆:重庆大学出版社,2018。
(24)见:苏沪划界会议,双方在京力争:呈蒋主席核定[N],沪西,1947(7):12。
(25)此阶段的重庆比较特别。正税大多由刘湘控制的二十一军军部抽取。商埠、重庆市只能抽取附加税。
[2]陈序经.乡村建设的途径[J].当代评论,1943.4(2):11-13.(CHEN Xujing.The path of rural development[J]. Contemporary Review, 1943. 4(2):11-13.)
[3]陈玉琳.纪天津市县划界之经过[J].河北月刊,1934,2(2):1-10.(CHEN Yulin. The demarcation process of Tianjin city and counry[J]. Hebei Monthly,1934,2(2):1-10.)
[4]费正清,刘广京.剑桥中国晚清史[M].北京:中国社会科学出版社.2006.(FAIRBANK J K, LIU Guangjing. Cambridge Chinese history of late Qing[M].Beijing:China Social Sciences Press. 2006.)
[5]故宫博物院明清档案部.清末筹备立宪档案史料(下册)[M].北京:中华书局,1979.(The Palace Museum's Archives Department of the Ming and Qing Dynasties. The archives of Qing Dynasty's preparation of constitutionalism(II)[M].Beijing:Zhonghua Book Company, 1979.)
[6]江苏省政府.咨内政部表示对于京市划界问题意见[J].江苏省政府公报,1929(327):10-11.(Jiangsu Provincial Government. The request to Ministry of Internal Affairs on the demarcation of the city[J]. Jiangsu Provincial Government Gazette, 1929(327):10-11.)
[7]牟复礼.元末明初期南京的变迁[M]//威廉·施坚雅.中华帝国晚期的城市.北京:中华书局,2002.(MOTE F.W.The transformation of Nanjing,1350-1400.[M]//SKINNER W. G. The city in late imperial China. Beijing:Zhonghua Book Company, 2002.)
[8]莫鸿秋.论说:城镇乡自治章程定自治名义之解释[J].广东地方自治研究表1909(12):1-11.(MO Hongqiu. On the interpretation of the autonomy of township local autonomy regulations[J]. The Study of Guangdong Local Auton—omy,1909(12):1-11.)
[9]尼科斯·波朗查斯.政治权力与社会阶级[M].叶林,译.北京:中国社会科学出版社.1982.(POLANCHAS N. Political power and social class[M]. YE Lin,translate. Beijing:China Social Sciences Press, 1982.)
[10]钱穆.中国历代政治得失[M].北京:生活、读书、新知三联书店.2001.(QIAN Mu. Chinese political gains and losses through history[M].Beijing:Life, Reading,Xinzhi Sanlian Bookstore,2001.)
[11]钱端升.民国政制史(下)[M].上海:上海世纪出版集团,2011.(QIAN Duansheng. History of the Republic of China's political policies(II)[M]. Shanghai:Shanghai Century Publishing Group, 2011.)
[12]钱能训.京都市政公所暂行编制[J].政府公报,1918(707):8-11.(QIAN Nengxun. Provisional compilation of capital municipal public office[J]. Government Gazette, 1918(707):8-11.)
[13]邱致中.建国必先建市论[J].市政评论,1947.9(8):13-15.(QIU Zhizhong.The establishment of state must develop cities first[J]. Municipal Review, 1947. 9(8):13-15.)
[14]上海特别市市政府训令第八号:令上海市公所[J].上海特别市市政府市政公报, 1927(1):9.(Shanghai Special City and Municipal Government order No.8:to Shanghai Municipal Government[J]. Shanghai Special Municipality Municipal Government Municipal Gazette, 1927(1):9.)
[15]颂华.上海市政府[N].太平导报,1927.2(9):2-3.(SONG Hua. Shanghai Municipal Government[N]. Taiping Herald, 1927.2(9):2-3.)
[16]孙科.都市规画论[J].建设,1919.1(5):855-871.(SUN Fo. On urban planning[J]. Construction, 1919.1(5):855-871.)
[17]孙科.广州市政[N],民国日报·觉悟,1924.10(12):4.(SUN Fo. Guangzhou municipal process and achievement[N]. Republic of China Daily·Enlightenment[N],1924.10(12):4.)
[18][清]王梦庚,修.寇宗,幕.道光《重庆府志》:凡例[M].北京:国家图书馆出版社,2011.([Qing]WANG Menggeng, KOU Zong. Daoguang"Chongqing Fuzhi", instruction[M]. Beijing:National Library of China Publishing House, 2011.)
[19]成廉·施坚雅.中华帝国晚期的城市[M].北京:中华书局,2002.(SKINNER W. G. The city in late imperial China[M].Beijing:Zhonghua Book Company,2002.)
[20]吴景超.发展都市以救济农村[J].独立评论,1934(118):5-7.(WU Jingchao.Developing cities to relieve countryside[J].Independent Review,1934(118):5—7.)
[21]羲庐.呼声:省市划界声中纠纷不决之诸翟镇:全镇争划上海市坚持到底!居民反对嘉定县永不合作[N]!沪西,1948.2(2):1-2.(XI Lu.Voice:Zhuzhai town in the demarcation dispute between the province and the city:the town is battling for into Shanghai to the end! Residents against Jiading County will never cooperate[N]!Huxi,1948.2(2):1-2.)
[22]杨宇振.朱启钤(桂辛)先生初步研究及其他——一份近代城市史视野中的历史人物研究简报[J].建筑师,2007(6):87-92.(YANG Yuzhen. Preliminary study of Zhu Qizhen(Gui Xin)and others-a brief report on historical figures in the perspective of modem urban history[J].The Architect,2007(06):87-92.)
[23]杨宇振.歧路:20世纪20-30年代部分农村研究文献的简要回顾[J].新建筑,2015(1):4-8.(YANG Yuzhen. Alternative road:a brief literature review of rural China studies in the 1920s-1930s[J]. New Architecture, 2015(1):4-8.)
[24]杨宇振.中国城市百年:历史与当下[J].文化纵横,2018(2):22-30.(YANG Yuzhen. A century of Chinese cities:history and the present[J]. Beijing Culture Review, 2018(2):22-30.)
[25]张之洞.致长沙俞抚台(光绪二十年正月十三日)[M]//张文襄公全集.影印本.卷158.电犊37.台北:台北文海出版社,1970.(ZHANG Zhidong.To Changsha Yufutai(the 13th day of Guangxu 20th)[M]//The complete works of Zhang Zhidong. Photocopy. Volume 158. Telegraph 37. Taibei:Taipei Wenhai Publishing House, 1970.)
[26]朱寿朋.光绪朝东华录第四卷[M].北京:中华书局,1958.(ZHU Shoupeng.Guangxu Chaodong Hua record 4[M]. Beijing:Zhonghua Book Company, 1958.)
[27]仲山.每周评论:省市划界[N].大无畏周刊,1929(2):5.(ZHONG Shan. Weekly comment:provincial and municipal demarcation[N]. Gig Fearless Weekly, 1929(2):5.)
[28]赵祖康.从都市计划观点论上海市之划界[J].市政评论.1946,8(6):9-10(ZHAO Zukang. On the demarcation of Shanghai from the perspective of urban planning[J]. Municipal Review.1946,8(6):9-10.)
(1)见:新闻:京外新闻:遣学建筑(录北洋官报)[J],载于《四川官报》,1906(14):52。
(2)见:济南城及商埠图.《日本研究》[J],1930,1(4):1。
(3)见:纪实:中外新闻:力驳开埠[J].重庆商会公报,1908(103):无页码。
(4)见:城镇乡地方自治章程[J],北洋法政学报,1909(91):1-16。
(5)清末北京的管理可见田涛等整理.清末北京城市管理法规.北京:燕山出版社,1996。一些街道管理的细节可参见:齐如山.北平杂记[M].当代中国出版社,2015。
(6)见:湖南省会警察厅、长沙县知事呈为恳请设立市政公所以一事权而利进行文(四月十九日)[J],湖南警察杂志,1917(4):7。
(7)见:湖南省会警察厅、长沙县知事呈为恳请设立市政公所以一事权而利进行文(四月十九日)[J],湖南警察杂志,1917(4):8。
(8)自开商埠中的黄埔商埠尤其需要深入研究。
(9)见:吴淞商埠局组织规程[J],江苏省公报,1921(2571):9-11。
(10)大部分的商埠与老城关系是典型的双元结构,如前述的济南、郑州、南京、上海等都是这一模式。1921年杨森任重庆商埠督办时,试图在老城对面的江北建设新商埠,但未遂。1927年潘文华在老城通远门外建设新商埠,但其管辖范围不仅在新开发区,老城市政也属于商埠督办公署管理。
(11)自治范围小于官治的范围。自治的经费或者来自官方的划拨,或者产出于自治区域的财税附加,与官治区域的财政不发生冲突,亦就无空间划界间的激烈冲突,只有事权上的争夺。但自治很显然或者加重了王朝的财政负担,或者加重了民众的纳税额。参见:政界新闻:准拨自治经费[N],大同报(上海),1908.9(22):34;筹画自治经费[N].湖南地方自治白话报,1910(5):3。
(12)“当时广州省议会既以违反民治为由,咨请省长暂缓施行市政。然省长不以为然”。见:钱端升.民国政制史(下)[M],上海:上海世纪出版集团,2011:692。
(13)见:国内市政消息:上海市[J].市政周刊,1927.1(5):35。
(14)见:上海特别市区域图[J],上海特别市农工商局半年刊1928(7):1。
(15)见:呈市长请确定区域划清权限由[J],土地局年刊,1927.1:108-109。
(16)见:民政厅长孙奂仑拟定之省市划界意见书[J],河北,1934.2(2):4-5。
(17)见:国都界限图[J].首都建设,1929(1):39。
(18)关于南京市的划界过程与冲突,可参见:徐建平.民国时期南京特别市行政区域划界研究[J].中国历史地理论丛,2013, 28(2):56-70;徐建平.民国时期的政区调整与民意表达——以二十世纪二十年代江宁县反对废县运动为例[J].历史地理,2016(01):47-61。
(19)见:民政厅长孙奂仑拟定之省市划界意见书[J],河北,1934.2(2):4-5。
(20)关于天津市的划界过程,可参见:王培利.天津市县第一次划界简析[J].历史教学(高校版),2008(3):72-75。
(21)见:本市区域划分问题[J],北平特别市公安局政治训练部旬刊,1928(6):21-22。
(22)关于成都市的划界过程,可参见:徐鹏,城乡关系视阈下民国市县划界纠纷——以成都为中心的考察[J].民国档案,2017(3):70-78。
(23)关于民国时期重庆市的划界与其中存在的问题,详见:杨宇振.重庆市与巴县、江北县的“划界”:新市与旧县的治域冲突及其意涵,载于杨宇振.历史与空间:晚清重庆城及其转变[M].重庆:重庆大学出版社,2018。
(24)见:苏沪划界会议,双方在京力争:呈蒋主席核定[N],沪西,1947(7):12。
(25)此阶段的重庆比较特别。正税大多由刘湘控制的二十一军军部抽取。商埠、重庆市只能抽取附加税。