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功能分异与联盟形成
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  • 英文篇名:Functional Division and Alliance Formation
  • 作者:黄宇兴
  • 英文作者:Huang Yuxing;International Relations,Tsinghua University;
  • 关键词:联盟 ; 功能分异 ; 战略资源 ; 德国 ; 第二次世界大战
  • 英文关键词:alliance;;functional division;;strategic resources;;Germany;;World War Ⅱ
  • 中文刊名:SJJZ
  • 英文刊名:World Economics and Politics
  • 机构:清华大学国际关系学系;
  • 出版日期:2019-02-14
  • 出版单位:世界经济与政治
  • 年:2019
  • 期:No.462
  • 基金:清华大学自主科研计划“崛起国联盟策略有效性研究”(项目批准号:2016THZWJC10)资助
  • 语种:中文;
  • 页:SJJZ201902006
  • 页数:24
  • CN:02
  • ISSN:11-1343/F
  • 分类号:103-124+160-161
摘要
现有国际关系理论阐述了安全利益与价值观念对联盟形成的作用,但并未充分解释上述因素的交互作用对双边不对称联盟形成的影响。大国—小国的"功能分异"是解释双边不对称联盟形成的必要条件。大国使用武力为小国提供安全保障,小国对大国提供战略资源影响大国之间的权力投射。战略资源包括人口、领土和物资。若大国和小国形成共同预期——小国将对大国排他性地提供战略资源,则大国和小国成功结盟;反之,大国和小国不结盟或结盟失败。依据德国、意大利、苏联、波兰和匈牙利的档案,1919—1941年英国、法国、德国和苏联结盟的实践检验了现有理论对结盟成败的解释。德国与东欧、北欧国家结盟的实践检验了"功能分异"对结盟成败的影响。1938—1941年,德国要求波兰、匈牙利、保加利亚、南斯拉夫和芬兰对德国割让领土或提供军队过境权,垄断罗马尼亚和保加利亚的对外贸易,并增加罗马尼亚、南斯拉夫和芬兰对德国的矿产出口。匈牙利、罗马尼亚、保加利亚和芬兰答应了德国的要求,德国与它们结盟成功;波兰和南斯拉夫拒绝了德国的要求,德国与两国结盟失败。根据"功能分异"理论推断,今后一段时间里美国在中国周边成功拓展盟友的可能性不高。
        Existing IR theories identify common security interests and ideological affinity as driving forces of alliance formation,but do not sufficiently explain how interactions of these two variables affect asymmetric alliance formation. Based upon these theories,I argue that "functional division"is a necessary condition of asymmetric alliance formation. A great power's military force guarantees the security of a small allied power,while a small power's strategic resources affect the patron's power projection. If the great power and the small power share the above understanding,they will successfullybecome allied partners. Otherwise,the great power and the small power are unlikely to form the proposed alliance. Based upon German,Italian,Soviet,Polish and Hungarian archival sources,I examine how common security interests and ideological affinity affected British, French, German and Soviet alliance formation attempts between 1919 and 1941; and how functional division affected German alliance formations with Eastern European powers between 1938 and 1941. Germany presented territorial demands to and/or sought troop-passage concessions from Poland,Hungary,Bulgaria,Yugoslavia,and Finland,attempted to monopolize Romanian and Bulgarian foreign trade,and sought greater German share of resource exports of Romania,Yugoslavia,and Finland.Hungary,Romania,Bulgaria,and Finland accommodated Germany,and thus formed coalitions with the Germans. However, Poland and Yugoslavia rejected German demands,and thus,failed to make alignments with the Germans. The "functional division" theory predicts that the United States is unlikely to successfully form new alliances on China's periphery.
引文
(1)本文所利用的德国档案主要包括Documents on German Foreign Policy, 1918-1945 [DGFP], Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, various years。意大利档案主要包括加莱阿佐·齐亚诺著,武汉大学外文系译:《齐亚诺日记(1939—1943年)》,北京:商务印书馆1983年版。苏联档案主要包括苏联外交部编,外交学院译:《第二次世界大战前夕苏联为争取和平而斗争(1938年9月—1939年8月)》,莫斯科,1971年版。波兰档案主要包括Official Documents Concerning Polish-German and Polish-Soviet Relations 1933-1939, London: Hutchinson, n.d; Jo'zef Lipski, Diplomat in Berlin, 1933-1939, New York: Columbia University Press, 1968。匈牙利档案主要包括Thomas L. Sakmyster, ed., “The Hungarian State Visit to Germany of August 1938,” Canadian Slavic Studies, Vol.3, No.4, 1969, pp.677-691。
    (2)John J. Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, New York: Norton, 2001, p.30.
    (3)Robert Rothstein, Alliances and Small Powers, New York: Columbia University Press, 1968, p.24.
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    (6)黄宇兴:《谈判能力与联盟转型》,载《世界经济与政治》,2017年第6期,第79—80页。
    (7)Stephen M. Walt, The Origins of Alliances, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987; Glenn H. Snyder, Alliance Politics, pp.169-170; Paul W. Schroeder, “Alliances, 1815-1945: Weapons of Power and Tools of Management,” in Klaus Knorr, ed., Historical Dimension of National Security Problems, Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1976, pp.227-262; Jeremy Pressman, Warring Friends: Alliance Restraint in International Politics, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2008, pp.8-9; Keren Yarhi-Milo, Alexander Lanoszka and Zack Cooper, “To Arm or to Ally? The Patron's Dilemma and the Strategic Logic of Arms Transfers and Alliances,” International Security, Vol.41, No.2, 2016, p.100.
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    (11)Jeffery A. Gunsburg, “La Grande Illusion: Belgian and Dutch Strategy Facing Germany, 1919-May 1940,” Journal of Military History, Vol.78, 2014, pp.101-158, pp.605-671.
    (12)关于法国—波兰、法国—捷克斯洛伐克联盟,参见Piotr Stefan Wandycz, France and Her Eastern Allies, 1919-1925, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1962。关于法国—南斯拉夫政治条约,参见Jacob B. Hoptner, Yugoslavia in Crisis, 1934-1941, New York: Columbia University Press, 1962, p.14。关于苏联—罗马尼亚结盟谈判,参见Dov B. Lungu, Romania and the Great Powers, 1933-1940, Durham: Duke University Press, 1989, pp.63-64。关于苏联—保加利亚结盟谈判,参见Gabriel Gorodetsky, Grand Delusion: Stalin and the German Invasion of Russia, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999, pp.80-81。笔者将详细讨论其他案例。
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    (14)Randall E. Newnham, Economic Linkage in German-Polish Relations, 1918-1939, Pittsburgh: Center for Russian and East European Studies, 2006, pp.21-22.
    (15)Memorandum by Neurath, March 18, 1938, DGFP, Series D, Vol.5, document No.334, p.438.
    (16)Thomas L. Sakmyster, ed., “The Hungarian State Visit to Germany of August 1938,” pp.686-687.
    (17)Lipski's Talk with G?ring, September 9, 1938, Diplomat in Berlin, 1933-1939, p.395.
    (18)Randall E. Newnham, Economic Linkage in German-Polish Relations, 1918-1939, p.22.
    (19)Lipski to Beck, May 23, 1935, Official Documents Concerning Polish-German and Polish-Soviet Relations 1933-1939, p.30.
    (20)Smigly-Rydz's Talk with G?ring, February 16, 1937, Official Documents Concerning Polish-German and Polish-Soviet Relations 1933-1939, p.38.
    (21)Beck's Talk with G?ring, January 13, 1938, Diplomat in Berlin, 1933-1939, p.332.
    (22)Lipski to Beck, September 16, 1938, Diplomat in Berlin, 1933-1939, pp.404-405.
    (23)Ribbentrop's Talk with Lipski, October 24, 1938, DGFP, Series D, Vol.5, document No.81, pp.104-107.卢西尼亚,又称喀尔巴阡—乌克兰(Carpatho-Ukraine)。
    (24)Hubert Ripka, Munich: Before and After, New York: H. Fertig, 1969, p.332.
    (25)Lipski to Beck, December 3, 1938, Diplomat in Berlin, 1933-1939, pp.470-471.
    (26)Memorandum by Ribbentrop, December 10, 1938, DGFP, Series D, Vol.5, document No.375, p.501.
    (27)Minute by Kordt for Weizs?cker, September 21, 1938, DGFP, Series D, Vol.2, document No.554, p.610, pp.863-864.
    (28)G?ring's Talk with Carol, November 26, 1938, DGFP, Series D, Vol.5, document No.257, p.346.
    (29)Fabricius to the Foreign Ministry, June 3, 1938, DGFP, Series D, Vol.2, document No.236, p.383.
    (30)Hubert Ripka, Munich: Before and After, p.303.
    (31)《苏联驻英全权代表给苏联外交人民委员部的电报》(1939年3月17日),载苏联外交部编:《第二次世界大战前夕苏联为争取和平而斗争(1938年9月—1939年8月)》,第247页。
    (32)Ribbentrop's Talk with Gafencu, April 18, 1939, DGFP, Series D, Vol.6, document No.227, pp.279-280.
    (33)Ribbentrop to G?ring, March 16, 1940, DGFP, Series D, Vol.8, document No.678, p.926.
    (34)Clodius and Fabricius to the Foreign Ministry, March 30, 1940, DGFP, Series D, Vol.9, document No.27, p.52.
    (35)Hitler's Talk with Gigurtu, July 26, 1940, DGFP, Series D, Vol.10, document No.234, pp.307-308.
    (36)加莱阿佐·齐亚诺:《齐亚诺日记(1939—1943年)》,第334页。
    (37)Ribbentrop's Talk with Manoilescu, August 29, 1940, DGFP, Series D, Vol.10, document No.408, pp.571-572.
    (38)Secret Protocol Between Germany and Bulgaria of March 12, 1938, DGFP, Series D, Vol.5, document No.181, p.254; Hubert Ripka, Munich: Before and After, p.303.
    (39)Hitler's Talk with Filov, July 27, 1940, DGFP, Series D, Vol.10, document No.245, pp.339-341.
    (40)Ribbentrop's Talk with Mussolini, September 19, 1940, DGFP, Series D, Vol.11, document No.73, p.117.
    (41)Ritter to the Legation in Bulgaria, November 16, 1940, DGFP, Series D, Vol.11, document No.345, p.591.
    (42)Hitler's Talk with Molotov, November 13, 1940, DGFP, Series D, Vol.11, document No.328, p.560.
    (43)Richthhofen to the Foreign Ministry, November 28, 1940, DGFP, Series D, Vol.11, document No.415, p.726.
    (44)Hitler's Talk with Filov, January 4, 1941, DGFP, Series D, Vol.11, document No.606, p.1021.
    (45)The German-Bulgarian Protocal, February 2, 1941, DGFP, Series D, Vol.12, document No.39, pp.67-71.
    (46)William S. Grenzebach, Germany's Informal Empire in East-Central Europe: German Economic Policy Toward Yugoslavia and Rumania, 1933-1939, Stuttgart: F. Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden, 1988, pp.170-172.
    (47)Hitler's Talk with Cincar-Markovic', November 28, 1940, DGFP, Series D, Vol.11, document No.417, p.733.
    (48)Hitler's Talk with Cincar-Markovic', February 14, 1941, DGFP, Series D, Vol.12, document No.48, p.95.
    (49)Ritter to the Embassy in the Soviet Union, February 22, 1941, DGFP, Series D, Vol.12, document No.70, p.127.
    (50)Heeren to Ribbentrop, March 7, 1941, DGFP, Series D, Vol.12, document No.131, p.233.
    (51)Heeren to Ribbentrop, March 10, 1941, DGFP, Series D, Vol.12, document No.145, p.257.
    (52)Ribbentrop to the Legation in Yugoslavia, March 14, 1941, DGFP, Series D, Vol.12, document No.165, pp.291-294.
    (53)Hitler's Talk with Bárdossy, March 21, 1941, DGFP, Series D, Vol.12, document No.191, p.332.
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