摘要
作为对当前国际秩序的一项批判建构主义研究,本文试图论证,当前的国际秩序是美国权力和知识的结果;随着美国权力影响力的下降,美国将不得不同其它主要行为体通过沟通行动建立国际秩序的新知识,并在此基础上构建国际新秩序。
本文首先批判了现实主义均势秩序观和自由主义宪政秩序观,认为现实主义均势秩序的规律性和自由主义宪政秩序的正义性值得质疑。现实主义学者提出国家间形成均势秩序是客观规律。现实主义学者之所以对均势秩序必然性深信不疑,与摩根索和沃尔兹等现实主义学者对均势秩序理论科学化的努力分不开。然而,摩根索使其理论科学化的尝试存在明显缺陷,他使用了智慧文字和历史叙事作为论证证据,显然未达到科学的标准。之后,出现以沃尔兹为代表的一批行为主义学者试图修正摩根索的缺陷,对国际政治进行更为严格地、系统化的实证分析。然而,沃尔兹的理论遵循经验证实、演绎逻辑、客观观察的实证主义原则,因此,他的理论的有效性须建立在一个本质上完全为真的事实的基础上。而沃尔兹并没有找到这样一个坚实的基础,他将其整个理论大厦建立在理性主义的假定之上,其可靠性不断遭到质疑。
自由主义学者试图从道德角度证明以自由经济、民主政治为基础的自由宪政秩序最具正义性,因此应受到推崇。罗尔斯的正义论是当代重要的自由主义道德理论之一。然而,罗尔斯正义论的理论推导过程存在缺陷。他仅仅遵循了形式理性的要求。从实质理性的角度来看,罗尔斯对目的选择的合理性讨论还不充分。罗尔斯的正义论将终极问题看成一个可忽略的因素,回避了对目的选择合理性的讨论。就这点而言,罗尔斯的正义论都还没有达到人类理性的要求,其合理性仍值得质疑。
在批判现实主义和自由主义研究框架的基础上,本文转向了一种批判建构主义研究框架,认为秩序由规则定义;规则由知识建构;知识是权力或沟通行动的结果。行为体是社会人,社会人的理性在于遵循规则。规则具有目的性,是在知识基础上设计的结果。知识有两种生成模式:当存在霸权时,知识是权力的结果;当体系内缺乏霸权时,行为体可以在相对平等的基础上,通过沟通行动,寻求共识,并重建知识。
在此建构主义框架下分析当前国际秩序,本文的研究的目的不是为了探寻国际秩序中存在的规律,也不是要证明国际秩序的正义性,而是要发现美国霸权、美国知识和国际秩序之间的关系。
首先,本文仔细考察了美国从冷战结束到伊拉克战争期间建立国际新秩序的尝试,发现美国作为世界的霸权国利用权力优势,甚至不惜使用武力,以自由民主等美国私有知识为基础,试图建立国际新秩序。研究发现,老布什、克林顿和小布什三位美国总统的国际战略,具有高度的一致性,都试图利用美国的权力优势,在世界范围内推行美国的民主和自由理念,要在世界范围建立一个由民主国家、自由市场构成的国际新秩序。美国这一时期的主要对外举措,如在失败国家采取和平行动、在中东发动伊拉克战争、在民族冲突国家推进民族分裂行动等等,都体现了美国利用其权力优势,推行民主和自由理念的特征。
其次,本文考察了伊拉克战争以后的权力结构,发现美国依然是世界唯一超级大国,但其权力影响力有所下降。在这种情况下,美国智库进行的两项重要战略研究——“普林斯顿计划”和“管理全球不安全因素”项目,以及新任总统奥巴马讲话,反应了美国智库对美国未来大战略建议以及奥巴马战略的两个特征:1、在美国战略中,自由民主等理念的核心地位没有发生根本性动摇。2、同以往自由国际主义战略相比出现了新迹象,即美国战略的制定加强了同其他国家的沟通;适当弱化了美国传统国际战略中的自由民主理念的作用和对美国权力的推崇。
As an academic enquiry in a critical constructivist framework, this Ph.D. dissertation argues that the contemporary international order is a result of the US power and knowledge, and with the leverage of its power declining, the US will have to build new knowledge through communicative action with other major actors, on the base of which a new international order can be forged.
First of all, the dissertation problematizes the reasoning of the realist claim of the balance of power and the liberalist proposal of a constitutional order.
Realist IR scholars, such as Hans Morgenthau and Kenneth Waltz, seek to explain the underlying forces governing the international political relations and make the scientific claim that the balance of power is inevitable. However, Morgenthau’s efforts were undermined by his unscientific methods of wisdom literature or historical anecdotes. And Kenneth Warltz's theory of international relations, that attempted to uncover a causal relationship based on theoretical-objective observations, deductive logics and empirical verification and falsification, and whose validation should rest on a firm foundation absolutely false or true by nature, has not reached such a solid bedrock yet.
Liberalists aver that the liberal constitutional order abides by the liberal moral principles, and hence, are the most just international order. However, these moral theories, with Rawls’principles of justice as an example, did insufficient inquiries upon the ultimate purpose. Ignorance of the ultimate purpose makes the reasoning of those moral theories problematic, and also, the justice of the international order built on them questionable.
Then, the dissertation turns to critical constructivist assumptions that international order is constructed on the foundation of knowledge produced by hegemon power or communicative actions of the major actors in the absence of hegemony. As constructivism maintains, social actors are homo sociologicus, whose rationality is to follow rules. Accordingly, the order of a society is firmly set within a structure of rules, which are further embedded on the knowledge, produced by hegemon power or by communicative actions when a hegemon is absent.
Under such a framework, the empirical studies of the dissertation do not aim at exploring the causality or the justice of the international politics, but to reveal the relations between hegemony, knowledge and international order. The dissertation studied the US post-cold war strategies and found that the contemporary international order is a result of the US power and knowledge; with the decline of the leverage of its power, the US will have to communicate more with other major actors for a consensus on knowledge, on the base of which a new international order can be forged.
Firstly, after the cold war, as the only superpower exerting disproportionate power in the world, the US attempts to establish a new world order on its private knowledge of freedom and democracy. George H.W. Bush's“New World Order' was featured by a growing community of democracies and a dynamic free-market system. Bill Clinton’s "From Containment to Expansion" strategy borrowed Bush’s vision and demanded that the US shift its cold war strategy to the enlargement of the world's free community of market democracies. George W. Bush's preemptive strategy aimed at ending“tyrannies”by using the US military forces, even unilaterally.
Secondly, in the Obama’s era, the US is still the only polar in the international power structure, but wield declining power to the rest of the world. Princeton project, Managing Global Insecurity program (MGI) and Obama’s remarks in the election campaign show that the US’s liberal vision of the world order has not been shattered.
The Princeton project proposes to reestablish a“Concert of Democracies”, as an alternative forum to legitimate the use of force. Obama commits his administration to support the young democracies by increasing funding for struggling democrats, creating a rapid response fund for societies in transition. On the other hand, the studies found signs that the US will do more communication with other major actors for a consensus on new knowledge. For instance, Obama pursues a strategy of wider dialogues with other major actors. MGI proposes a new vision of international order based on the concept of responsible sovereignty, instead of democracy, acknowledging that“the non-democracies”should not be excluded in the establishment of a new international order.
引文
3 Daniel Deudney and John Ikenberry,“Nature and Sources of Western Political Order,”Review of International Studies 25, 1999, pp. 179-196.
7 Hedley Bull, The Anarchical Society: A study of Order in World Politics, pp. 16-20.
8 Martin Hollis, The Philosophy of Social Science: An Introduction, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 151.
9 Ibid., pp. 147-151,
10孙吉胜:《语言、意义与国际关系》,上海:人民出版社,2008年版,第53-56页。
11 Vivienne Jabri, Discourses on Violence, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1996), pp.62-70.
12 Martin Hollis, The Philosophy of Social Science: An Introduction, p. 154.
13 John Gerard Ruggie, Constructing the World Polity: Essays on International Institution, (London: Routledge Press, 1998), p.62.
14 Friedrich V. Kratochwil, Rules, Norms and Decisions: on the Conditions of Practical and Legal Reasoning in International Relations and Domestic Affairs, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 16.
15 Smith Steve, Ken Booth and Marysia Zalewski, International Theory: Positivism and Beyond, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 21.
16 Ibid., p. 19.
17郑莉:《理解鲍曼》,北京:中国人民大学出版社,2006年版,第.67-69页。
18同上,第67-69页。
19秦亚青:《权力、制度、文化》,第26-53页。
20 John Mearsheimer,“Back to the Future: Instability in Europe after the Cold War,”International Security 15, 1990, pp. 5-56;“Why We Will Soon Miss the Cold War?”Atlantic 266, 1990, pp. 35-50.
21 Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Relations, First Edition, (Boston: McGraw-Hill, 1979), p. 117.
22 Chris Brown, Understanding International Relations (Second Edition), (NY: Palgrave, 2001), p. 108.
23 David Hume,“the Balance of Power”, Essays: Moral, Political and Literary, 1987, p. 348.
24 Ibid., p. 349.
25 Ibid., p. 350.
26 Chris Brown, Understanding International Relations, p.107.
27 Ibid., pp. 21-26.
28 Ibid., pp. 27-28.
29秦亚青:《权力政治与结构选择:现实主义与新现实主义评析》,载于《权力、制度、文化》,第28页。
30摩根索著,许昕、郝望、李保平译,《国家间政治:寻求权力与和平的斗争》,北京:中国人民公安大学出版社,第221-222页。
31秦亚青:《权力政治与结构选择:现实主义与新现实主义评析》,载于《权力、制度、文化》,第26-53页。
32摩根索:《国家间政治:寻求权力与和平的斗争》,第220-221页。
33秦亚青:《权力政治与结构选择:现实主义与新现实主义评析》,第26-53页。
34摩根索:《国家间政治:寻求权力与和平的斗争》,第305-329页。
35同上书,第587-590页。
36同上书,第344-348页。
37秦亚青:《权力政治与结构选择:现实主义与新现实主义评析》,第27页。
38尼布尔著,谢秉德译,《人的本性与命运》,香港:金陵神学院讬事部:基督教辅侨出版社,1959年版,前言。
39托布约尔?克努成著,余万里、何宗强译,《国际关系理论史导论》,天津:天津人民出版社,2004年版,第43-46页。
40同上书,第103-108页。
41肯尼思?汤普森著,梅仁、王羽译,《国际关系中的思想流派》,北京:北京大学出版社,2003年版。
42同上书,第20-25页。
43同上书,第20页。
44 Scott Burchill, et., al., Theories of international relations, (NY.: Palgrave, 2001), p. 77.
45 Chris Brown, Understanding International Relations, pp. 34-36.
46威廉?沃尔福思《:单极世界中的美国战略》,载于约翰?伊肯伯里主编:《美国无敌:均势的未来》,第101-102页。
47 John Ikenberry, After Victory: Institutions, Strategic Restraint, and the Rebuilding of Order after Major Wars, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001), pp. 56-57.
48 Kenneth Waltz, Theory of International Politics, preface to the 2001 edition and preface (1959).
49 Chris Brown, Understanding International Relations, p. 35.
50 Kenneth Waltz, Theory of International Politics, p. 121.
51 Kenneth Waltz, Man, the State and War, p. 230.
52 Ibid., pp. 224-230.
53 Ibid., pp. 230-238.
54 Ibid., pp. 230-238.
55 Kenneth Waltz, Theory of International Politics, pp. 119-120
56 Ibid., pp. 116-118.
57 Ibid., pp. 120-121.
58 Ibid., p. 120.
59 Ibid., pp. 1-7, 9-10.
60 Ibid., pp.13-16.
61 Ibid., pp. 4-5, 11.
62 Ibid., pp. 15, 129-131.
63 Yosef Lapid and Friedrich Kratochwil, The Return of Culture and Identity in IR Theory, Boulder, London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1996, pp. 147-148, 156-158, 209.
64 Ibid., pp. 131, 135, 139-143.
65 Martin Hollis, The Philosophy of Social Science: An Introduction, pp. 29-32.
66 Ibid., pp. 47-51.
67 Ibid., pp. 72-75.
68 Ibid., pp. 79-80.
70【美】伍德鲁?威尔逊,《十四点计划》,http://usinfo.org/zhcn/GB/PUBS/LivingDoc/14points-2.htm.
71 John Morton Blum, Woodrow Wilson and the Politics of Morality, (Boston, Toronto: Little, Brown and Company, 1956), p. 148.
72秦亚青:《理性与国际合作:自由主义国际关系理论的发展历程和学术理念》,载于秦亚青主编:《理性与国际合作:自由主义国际关系理论研究》,北京:世界知识出版社, 2006年版,第6页。
73 John Morton Blum, Woodrow Wilson and the Politics of Morality, p. 10.
74 Ibid., p. 24.
75 Ibid., p.23-37.
76苗红尼:《英国学派与国际社会》,载于秦亚青主编:《理性与国际合作:自由主义国际关系理论研究》:第139-169页。
77萧贵毓、张海燕主编:《社会主义思想史纲》,北京·中共中央党校出版社,1998年版,第113-126页。
78萧贵毓、张海燕主编:《社会主义思想史纲》,第27页。
79 Scott Burchill, etc. eds., Theories of International Relations (Second Edition), pp. 103-110.
80 Chris Brown, Understanding International Relations, pp. 21-26.
81 George Kennan,“The Sources of Soviet Conduct”, Foreign Affairs, XXV, July 1947, pp. 566-582.
86 Daniel Deudney and John Ikenberry,“Nature and Sources of Western Political Order,”Review of International Studies 25, 1999, pp. 179-196.
87 John Ikenberry, After Victory: Institutions, Strategic Restraint, and the Rebuilding of Order After Major Wars, pp. 50-51.
88 Ibid., pp. 54-55.
89 Ibid., pp. 69-72.
94 David Lake,“Leadership, Hegemony, and the International Economy– Naked Emperor or Tattered Monarch with Potential?”International Studies Quarterly 37 (4), 1993, pp. 459– 489.
95 John G. Ruggie,“International Regimes, Transactions, and Change: Embedded Liberalism in the Postwar Economic Order,”Stephen Krasner eds., International Regimes, (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983), pp. 195-232.
96参见《联合国宪章》第七章。
97 John Mackinlay, The Peacekeepers: An Assessment of Peacekeeping Operation at the Arab-Israel Interface (London: Unwin Hyman, 1989), p. 4.
98 John Mackinlay, A Guide to Peace Support Operation, Republished by the Journal of Humanitarian Assistance on 5 July 1997, p 15.
99 Supplement to an Agenda for Peace, paragraph 11.
100 Ibid., pp. 16-17.
101 John Mackinlay, Globalization and Insurgency (Adelphi Paper) (The International Institute of Strategic Studies, 2002), p 10.
102 Chris Brown, Understanding International Relations, pp. 226-227.
103 Chris Brown,“History Ends, Worlds Collide,”Review of International Studies 25, 1999, pp. 41-57.
104 Robert Koehane, After Hegemony, pp. 247-251.
105 Ibid., pp. 249-251.
106 Ibid., pp. 249-251.
107尤尔根·哈贝马斯著,曹卫东译:《交往行为理论第一卷:行为合理性与社会合理性》,上海:上海世纪出版集团,第165-169页。
108同上书,第165页。
109肖华:《当代西方道义论与功利主义研究》,北京:人民大学出版社,第296-297页。
110石元康:《罗尔斯》,桂林:广西师范大学出版社,2004年版,第134页。
111约翰·罗尔斯著,何怀宏,何包钢,廖申自译:《正义论》,北京:中国社会科学出版社,1988年版,第151页。
112同上书,第13页。
113肖华:《当代西方道义论与功利主义研究》,第270-271页。
114同上书,第319页。
115牛京辉:《英国功用主义伦理思想研究》,北京:人民出版社,2002年版,第120页。
116同上书,第120-页。
117约翰·罗尔斯:《正义论》,第24页。
118石元康:《罗尔斯》,第141页。
119石元康:《罗尔斯》,第141页。
120黄光国:《儒家关系主义——文化反思与典范重建》,北京:北京大学出版社,2006年版,第144页。
121同上书,第146页。
122罗伯特·所罗门著,张卜天译:《大问题——简明哲学导论》,桂林:广西师范大学,2004年版。
123米歇尔·福柯著,刘北成、杨运婴译:《疯癫与文明》,北京:三联书店,1999年版,第263页。
124道格拉斯·凯尔纳、斯蒂文·贝斯特等著,张志斌译:《后现代理论—批判性的质疑》,北京:中央编译出版社,2004年版,第79-82页。
125詹姆斯·米勒著,高毅译:《福柯的生死爱欲》,上海:上海世纪出版集团,2005年版,第46页。
126 John G. Ruggie.“International Regimes, Transactions, and Change: Embedded Liberalism in the PostwarEconomic System.”International Organization 36 (2), Spring, 1982: pp. 379-415
127 Friedrich V. Kratochwil, Rules, Norms, and Decisions: On the conditions of practical and legal reasoning in international relations and domestic affairs, pp.10-11.
128 Martin Hollis, The Philosophy of Social Science, pp. 151.
129秦亚青:《权力政治与结构选择:现实主义与新现实主义评析》,第26-53页。
130秦亚青:《国际制度与国际合作:反思新自由制度主义》,第87-111页。
131 Martin Hollis, The Philosophy of Social Science: an Introduction, pp. 148-149
132 Ibid., pp. 148-149.
133 J. Elster, Nuts and Bolts for the Social Sciences, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p.30.
134 Randall Schweller, Deadly Imbalances: Tripolarity and Hitler’s Strategy of World Conquest, New York: Columbia University Press, 1998, pp. 15-38.
135 Martin Hollis, The Philosophy of Social Science, pp. 157-160.
136 Martin Hollis, The Philosophy of Social Science: an Introduction, pp. 147.
137 Ibid., pp. 147.
138 K. M. Fierke,“Besting the West: Russia’s Machiavella’s Strategy,”International Feminist Journal of Politics, Vol.1, No.3, 1999.
139孙吉胜:《语言、意义与国际关系》,第53-56页。
140 Martin Hollis, The Philosophy of Social Science: an Introduction, p.165.
141 Vivienne Jabri, Discourses on Violence, pp.62-70.
142 Martin Hollis, The Philosophy of Social Science: an Introduction, pp. 157-160.
143 Ibid,. pp. 175-176.
144 Ibid., pp. 152-153.
145 Nicholas Onuf,“Institutions, Intentions and International Relations”, Review of international Studies 28, 2002, pp. 211-228.
146 Richard Falk, Friedrich V. Kratochwil, and Saul H. Mendlovitz, eds., International Law and a Just World Order: Studies on a Just World Order, Volume2,
147 Martin Hollis, The Philosophy of Social Science: an Introduction, pp. 154-155.
148 Ibid., pp. 154-155.
149 John Ruggie, John G. Ruggie,“International Regimes, Transactions, and Change: Embedded Liberalism in the Postwar Economic Order,”Stephen Krasner eds., International Regimes, (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983), pp. 195-232.
150 John Gerard,Ruggie, Constructing the World Polity: Essays on International Institution, pp.62.
151 Friedrich V. Kratochwil, Rules, Norms and Decisions: On the conditions of practical and legal reasoning in international relations and domestic affairs, p. 16.
152秦亚青:《权力政治与结构选择:现实主义与新现实主义评析》,第26-53页。
153 Friedrich V. Kratochwil, Rules, Norms and Decisions: On the conditions of practical and legal reasoning ininternational relations and domestic affairs, pp. 6-8.
154 Ibid., pp. 16-17.
155 Ibid., pp. 16-17.
156 Ibid., p. 153.
157 Henry Kissinger, A World Restored: Metternich, Castleeagh and the Problems of Peace 1812-1822, Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, p. 1-2.
158 Ibid., pp. 3-4.
166 Ibid., p. 3.
167高宣扬:《福柯的生存美学》,北京:中国人民大学出版社,2005年版,第92页。
168 Jonathan Joseph ed., Social Theory: a Reader, Edinburgh University Press, 2005, p. 245.
169 Jonathan Joseph, Social Theory: a Reader, p. 246.
170 Jonathan Joseph, Social Theory: a Reader, p. 246.
171高宣扬:《福柯的生存美学》,第197页。
172同上,第203-204页。
173同上,第219-223页。
174同上,第225-227页。
175同上,第97页。
176 Jonathan Joseph, Social Theory: a Reader, p.199.
177 Ibid., p.197-198.
178 Ibid., p. 198.
179 Ibid., p.199-200.
184高尚涛:《国际关系的权力与规范》,北京:世界知识出版社,2008年版,第90-91页。
185 Jenney Edkins,“Foucault’s Docile Bodies”, Poststructuralism And International Relations: Bring The Political Back In. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1999, p. 53.
186郑莉:《理解鲍曼》,北京:中国人民大学出版社,2006年版,第.67-69页。
187同上书,第67-69页。
188同上书,第67-69页。
189 Steve Smith, etc., ed., Positivism and Beyond, pp. 27-28,哈贝马斯原著,曹卫东选译:《哈贝马斯精粹》,南京:南京大学出版社,2004年版,第378,379和387页。
190罗伯特·所罗门:《大问题——简明哲学导论》,第461页。
192伊肯伯里:《美国无敌:均势的未来》,第1页。
193 Anthony Lake,“From Containment to Enlargement”, U.S. Department of State Dispatch, September 27, 1993.
194秦亚青:《国际关系理论中国学派生成的可能和必然》,载于《世界经济与政治》,2006年第3期,第7-13页。
195秦亚青:《实证主义与中国的国际关系研究》,载于《权力、制度、文化》,第243-255页。
196 Steve Smith,“Alternative and Critical Perspectives”, , Frank P. Harvey and Michael Brecher, ed., Critical Perspectives in International Studies, Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2002, pp. 7-45
197 Ibid.
198 Ibid.
199 George H. W. Bush,“Toward a New World Order”, Sept. 11, 1990.
200“Security Strategy for 1990s”, President Bush's address at the Coast Guard Academy commencement exercises in New London, Conn., on May 24, 1989.
201 Ibid.
202 Ibid.
203 Anthony Lake,“From Containment to Enlargement”, September 27, 1993.
204 Ibid.
205 Ibid.
209 Stephen Zunes,“The United States: Belligerent Hegemon”, the Iraq War: Causes and Consequences, pp. 21-37.
210 George W Bush, Inaugural Speech to the Second Term, 2005.
211参见秦亚青在2005年由北京大学国际关系学院教授袁鸣主持的关于新保守主义研讨会上的发言。
212参见上述学者在2005年由北京大学国际关系学院教授袁鸣主持的关于新保守主义研讨会上的发言。
213 John Mackinlay, Globalization and Insurgency, p16.
214 Supplement to An Agenda for Peace, paragraph 11.
215 John Mackinlay, A Guide to Peace Support Operation, p 15.
216 Boutros Boutros-Ghali (1994), An Agenda for Development (A/48/935).
217 The Blue Helmets (1996), p477.
218美国国务院网站国家地区网页。
219 John Mackinlay (1989) p 4.
220 Doctrine, Strategy and Decision-making for Peace Operation, paragraph 49.
221 John Makinley (2002), Globalization and Insurgency, p 34.
222 Supplement to An Agenda for Peace, paragraph 12.
223 Trevor Findlay (1996), Challenges for the New Peacekeepers, p 25.
224王逸舟主编:《单极世界的阴霾:科索沃危机的警示》,北京:社会科学文献出版社,1999年版,第384页。
225 Geert-Hinrich Ahrens, Diplomacy on the Edge: Containment of Ethnic Conflict and Minorities Working Group of the Conferences on Yugoslavia, Washington D.C.: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2007, pp. 39-40.
226 Geert-Hinrich Ahrens, Diplomacy on the Edge: Containment of Ethnic Conflict and Minorities Working Group of the Conferences on Yugoslavia, pp. 86.
227 Jennifer Ober and Paul R. Williams,“Is it true that there is no right of self-determination for Kosova?”The Case for Kosova, pp. 109-120.
228肖月、朱立群:《简明国际关系史1945-2002》,北京:世界知识出版社,2002年版,第355-357页。
229王逸舟主编:《单极世界的阴霾:科索沃危机的警示》,1999年版,第183页。
230 Janet Heininger, Peacekeeping in Transition: the United Nations in Cambodia, New York: Twentieth Century Fund Press, 1994, p. 4.
231王逸舟主编:《单极世界的阴霾:科索沃危机的警示》,1999年版,第188页。
232肖月、朱立群:《简明国际关系史》,第355-357页。
233同上书,第357-360页。
234同上书,第357-360页。
235 Stephen Zunes,“The United States: Belligerent Hegemon”, The Iraq War: Causes and Consequences, pp. 21-37.
236 Rick Fawn,“The Iraq War: Unfolding and Unfinished”, The Iraq War: Causes and Consequences, pp. 1-17.
237 Ibid, pp. 1-17.
238孙吉胜:《语言、意义与国际关系》,第169页。
239 Stephen Zunes,“The United States: Belligerent Hegemon”, pp. 21-37.
240 Ibid.
241 Ibid.
242 Ibid.
243 Ibid.
244史蒂文·金泽著,张浩译,相蓝欣主编,《颠覆:从夏威夷到伊拉克》,上海:华东师范大学出版社,2008年版,第266页。
245 Rick Fawn, The Iraq War: Unfolding and Unfinished, in the Iraq War: Causes and Consequences, pp. 1-17.
246 Stephen Zunes,“The United States: Belligerent Hegemon”, pp. 21-37.
247史蒂文·金泽著,《颠覆:从夏威夷到伊拉克》,第291页。
248同上书,第290页。
249同上书,第293页。
250 Rebuilding Iraq: US Achievements through The Iraq Relief and Reconstruction Fund.
251 Rick Fawn,“The Iraq War: Unfolding and Unfinished”, pp. 1-17.
252史蒂文·金泽著,《颠覆:从夏威夷到伊拉克》,第293-294页。
253 Francis Fukuyama and John Ikenberry, Grand Strategy Choices for the Princeton Project on National Strategy, p. 10.
254弗朗西斯·福山著,王晓群、王丽莉译:《十字路口的美国》,载于《国外理论动态》,2006年第6期,第57页。
256参见约翰?伊肯伯里主编,《美国无敌:均势的未来》,第1-6页。
257参见布鲁斯·琼斯、卡洛斯·帕斯夸尔、斯蒂芬·约翰·斯特德曼著,秦亚青、朱立群、王燕、魏玲译:《权力与责任:构建跨国威胁时代的国际秩序》,北京:世界知识出版社,2009年版,第20-23页。
258 Zakaria, Fareed, The Post-American World, .NY: W. W. Norton & Company, 2008, pp. 1-6.
259参见布鲁斯·琼斯等著:《权力与责任:构建跨国威胁时代的国际秩序》,第22页。
260 Zakaria, Fareed, The Post-American World, pp. 1-6.
261 Lake, David,“Leadership, Hegemony, and the International Economy– Naked Emperor or Tattered Monarch with Potential?”International Studies Quarterly (1993), 37 (4), pp. 459– 489.
262 Iraqi Strategy Review, National Security Council, Jan. 2007.
263 Warmack, Brantly,“Multipolarity and Asymmetry,”in Journal of Contemporary China, Vol. 13, No. 39 (May 2004).
264 Ibid.
265 Ibid.
266秦亚青:《关于“管理全球不安全因素”项目的情况报告》。
267【美】布鲁斯·琼斯、卡洛斯·帕斯夸尔、斯蒂芬·约翰·斯特德曼著,秦亚青、朱立群、王燕、魏玲译:《权力与责任:构建跨国威胁时代的国际秩序》,北京:世界知识出版社,2009年版,第69-71页。
268参见美国科学家协会网站关于基地组织的介绍,www.fas.org/irp/world/para/ladin.htm.
269同上文。
270同上文。
271 Bush, George W.,“President Discusses War on Terror at National Endowment for Democracy,”October 6, 2005, at http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2005/10/20051006-3.html.
272 Dodd, Randall and Paul Mills,“Outbreak: US Subprime Contagion”, Finance & Development, June 2008, p. 14.
273 Ibid., p. 14.
274 Kang, Kenneth, Jacques Miniane,“Global Financial Turmoil Tests Asia”, Finance & Development, December 2008, p. 34.
275 Collyns, Charles,“The Crisis through the Lens of the History”, Finance & Development, December 2008, p. 20.
276 El-Erian, Mohamed,“A Crisis to Remember: The Case for Modernizing the Multilateral Framework”, Finance & Development, December 2008, p. 15.
277 Lapid, Yosef,“Culture’s ship: Returns and Departures in International Relations Theory”, Yosef Lapid, Friedrich Kratochwil, ed., The Return of Culture and Identity in IR Theory, Boulder, London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1996, pp. 3-20.
278 Ibid., pp. 3-20.
279 Ikenberry, John, and Anne-Marie Slaughter, Forging a World of Liberty under Law, US Strategic Security in the 21st Century, Final Report of the Princeton Project on National Strategy (2006), p. i.
280 Ibid., pp. 14-16, and 18-20.
281 Fukuyama, Francis and John Ikenberry, Grand Strategy Choices for the Princeton Project on National Strategy, p. 10.
282 Ibid., pp. 29-32.
283 Ibid., pp. 23-28.
284 Ibid., pp. 72-75.
285 Ibid., pp. 75-78.
286相关文章包括:Joseph Grieco,“Anarchy and the Limits of Cooperation: A Realist Critique of the Newest Liberal Institutionalism,”International Organization, Summer 1988, Vol 42, No. 3. pp. 485-507; Stephen Krasner,“Global Communications and National Power: Life on the Pareto Frontier,”World Politics, April 1991,Vol.43, pp. 336-366.
288 Brown, Chris, Understanding International Relations, pp. 226-227.
289 Fukuyama, Francis and John Ikenberry, Grand Strategy Choices for the Princeton Project on National Strategy (2006), pp. 6-7.
290 Amy Cha, World on Fire: How Free Market Democracy Breeds Ethnic Hatred and Global Instability (New York: Doubleday, 2003), pp. 6-7.
291参见弗朗西斯·福山著,王晓群、王丽莉译:“十字路口的美国”,载于《国外理论动态》,2006年第6期,第57页。
292 Ibid., p. 5.
293参见弗朗西斯·福山著:《十字路口的美国》,第56页。
294 Ibid., pp. 48-51.
295【美】布鲁斯·琼斯、卡洛斯·帕斯夸尔、斯蒂芬·约翰·斯特德曼著,秦亚青、朱立群、王燕、魏玲译:《权力与责任:构建跨国威胁时代的国际秩序》,北京:世界知识出版社,2009年版,第20-22页。
296同上书,第23页。
297同上书,第43页。
298同上书,第98页。
299同上书,第126页。
300同上书,第153-154页。
301同上书,第182页。
302同上书,第208页。
303同上书,致谢,第15页。
304同上书,致谢,第18页。
305同上书,致谢,第17页。
306同上书,第8-13页。
307同上书,第13-14页。
308同上书,第12-13页。
309同上书,第12页。
310同上书,第47-51页。
311同上书,第55-57页。
312同上书,第47-51页。
313同上书,第49-51页。
314同上书,第21-23页。
315同上书,第23-33页。
316同上书,第201-205页。
317同上书,第162页。
318同上书,第180-182页。
319同上书,第11页。
320 Barack Obama and Joe Biden/s Strategy to Promote Global Development and Democracy, at barackobama.com.
321 Ibid.
322 Remarks of Senator Barack Obama: Summit on Confronting New Threats, West Lafayette, July 16, 2008.
323 Ibid.
324 Ibid.
325 Obama, Barack, Strengthen Our Common Security by Investing in Our Common Humanity, at Barackobama.com.
326 Ibid.
327 Ibid.
328 Remarks of Senator Barack Obama: A World that Stands as One, Berlin, Germany, July 24, 2008.
329 Ibid.
330 Ibid.
331 Ibid., pp. 29-32.
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