摘要
西方基督教典籍《圣经》的汉译与中国儒家经典的西译之于中西方文化的交流与互通,影响巨大且深远；前者所引发的“西学中渐”与后者所开启的“中学西传”共同构建了中西文化双向对话之最初平台。此间,早期自西徂东的传教士们无疑是跨文化双向阐释的最初实践者,而身兼英译《论语》与汉译《圣经》之双向译者的英国浸信会士马士曼则是不该被遗忘的其中之一。由于马士曼及其译经团队在1822年所出版的全本汉译《圣经》为世界首部,故为国内外学界此前对其研究之侧重,然多以汉译《圣经》史研究视域下的版本描述与比对为主,对其内容与翻译问题进行深入探讨者甚少。又因马士曼从未踏足中国,终其一生于印度传教,故对其个人生平经历及其他著述的深化研究更少,以至其1809年的译作《孔子的著作》虽为世界首(半)部英译《论语》直译本,却在学界无人问津,仅偶尔出现于《论语》英译史之陈述中,一带而过。故此,笔者希冀通过本文研究补充此前学界对马士曼及其译作之研究的不足与缺失,还原早期中西文化双向交流与对话之历史样貌与其时代投影,并予今日之中西跨文化交流有所裨益或借鉴之功效。
本文旨在跨文化研究视域下,首次将马士曼及其塞兰坡中文事业作为海外汉学史上一重要案例予以专题研究：以一手档案资料为依托,结合其历史背景考察其作品之翻译策略、独有创新,历史影响及出版情况；同时,深入其英译《论语》与汉译《圣经》之文本,对儒家经典概念与基督教神学概念的马氏翻译进行比对式分析,并关注文本所呈现出的早期中西文化与思想之对话与共融。论文主要通过历史学与语文学的具体研究方法,从以下两个方面对历史文献进行析述：
1)历史语境之梳理(第一、二章)：以跨文化交流之“文化平等”意识为基准,批判性地运用萨义德“东方主义”的理论模式；通过对相关信件手稿,教会报告以及中外史料的整理与分析,尽可能还原出马士曼其人生平与在印传教情况,勾勒出十九世纪初塞兰坡中文事业之样貌,并考察其间的权力与话语之关系,为马士曼之译作著述廓清历史语境。
2)文本概念之分析(第三、四章)：首先对马士曼之英译《论语》与汉译《圣经》进行版本考据与翻译底本、注本之考证,然后概述其翻译策略与特点,梳理其历史影响或与其他译本之关联。此后,运用“概念-语境下-阐释”之方法论,分别考察两个译本中对重要概念的翻译及其背后的文化缘由。在《孔子的著作》中,主要考察十五个儒家概念的马氏英译,并对“天”、“性”,“仁”三个概念着重分析,比对它们在儒家语境(马士曼可知范围内)中的意涵与马氏英译语词之意义,其间有何保留、遗失与创生；在汉译《圣经》中,主要考察十四个基督教神学概念的汉译,其中重点讨论"God","Sin"和"Love"三个概念的基督教文化涵义与其相应汉译语词在汉语语境中的原意,并以此描摹以汉译神学概念为根基之汉语神学语境的建构。
根据以上分析研究,本文不仅对马士曼个人及其著述贡献给予全面关照,还首次将其英译《论语》与汉译《圣经》作以勾连并深入探讨：以其共同译者为双向阐释之中介,其功能意义作历史语境之架联,关注此间“观念的流动”；不以“正误”论译作优劣,而以“同情之理解”的历史人文视角探查翻译背后的文化因由与思想意义,寻求其译本中的开放性元素与创生性,并以是否成全中西文化间“对话”为评估基准,肯定译作的价值与贡献。通过对概念在经典文本翻译中的“去语境化”与“再语境化”之考察,追溯其于中英语境下的“共时性”流动与“历时性”流动,以及其间文化之交织与共融。据此思考早期涉华传教士“译儒典以学中文”过程中以语言为载体之儒耶思想交流,并呈现基于“英译儒典”与“汉译神学”的早期中西文化间对话之样貌,为今日中西跨文化交流实践与研究提供一线索或借鉴。此即为本文之结论与成果,亦为笔者作文之初衷与期待。
The Chinese versions of the Western canon Bible and the translations of the Chinese Confucian Classics in European languages have made tremendous impacts and far-reaching implications in the cross-cultural exchanges between the West and China, as the former triggered the extension of Western knowledge to China, and the latter opened the way of spreading Chinese literature and wisdom to the West. Both of them worked together to build the initial platform for the bilateral dialogue between Western and Chinese cultures, promoting by the missionaries who came from the West to the East in the early time and practiced dual interpretations in intercultural communications as pioneers.
Joshua Marshman (1768-1837), a British Baptist missionary worked in Serampore of India around the early19th Century, is such one of the excellent cross-cultural interpreters should be kept in mind. He translated the first direct English version of Lunyu, entitled The Works of Confucius (half translation), and published it by the Serampore Mission Press in1809. Moreover, he and his colleagues also translated the first Chinese translation of the Bible, and successively published it since1810and completed in1822(one year earlier than the publication of Robert Morrison's version). Nevertheless, since Marshman never came to China but spent almost his whole life on preaching in Serampore, he and his works relevant to Chinese have been seldom followed with interest by today's scholars at home or abroad. Except being referred in some historical summaries about the Chinese translations of the Bible or the English versions of Lunyu, it seems that no one really gave an in-depth study on the texts of the two important translations by Marshman, with a focus on the analysis of concepts'translations. Therefore, this dissertation is expected to fill the blank and make up the deficiencies in previous studies by reviewing Joshua Marshman and his two translations heretofore underestimated, and attempts to restore and present the historical context of the early intercultural exchanges and bilateral dialogue between Western and Chinese cultures through the texts'analysis, as a reference for today's cross-cultural communication between the West and China.
This dissertation aims to research on Joshua Marshman and his works relevant to Chinese as a case study in the history of overseas sinology, undertaking the view of cross-cultural research. It will explore the intentional translation strategies, unique innovations, historical significance and publication of Marshman's works relevant to Chinese by taking account of the historical context at that time with the help of original archives and manuscripts. Furthermore, it is going to make comparative analysis on the English translations of the Confucian concepts in The Works of Confucius and the Chinese translations of the Christian theological concepts in Marshman's version of the Bible, figuring out the dialogue and communion between Western and Chinese cultures or thoughts. This dissertation will analyze the files and texts with the historical and philological methods from two aspects:
1) Fixing the historical context (Chapter1&2):In light of the awareness of "cultural equality" in intercultural communication, it will make a critical thinking of the Edward Said's "Orientalism" in the analysis of the personal letters and manuscripts, mission reports and any other historical texts both in Chinese and foreign languages for depicting the life experience of Joshua Marshman and the missionary work (including those relevant to China) in Serampore around the early19th Century. Then, it could fix the historical context for Marshman's translations and works, keeping attention to the relations between "power and discourse".
2) Analyzing the concepts in texts (Chapter3&4):Having made textual research on the editions of the two translations, it verifies the original texts and notes adopted by Marshman. Then, it could summarize the translation strategies and unique innovations in the two texts and study on their historical influence or relevance to other versions. After that, with the methodology literally named "Concept-Interpreted-in Context", the author would like to research on how the important concepts be translated in the two texts and the cultural reasons behind. In The Works of Confucius, there are15Confucian concepts will be studied, including the analysis on "Tian","Xing" and "Ren" in detail as examples; it will compare the meanings of them in Confucian context and Marshman's English translation, figuring out the meanings kept, lost and created in translating. As for the Marshman's Chinese version of the Bible, there are14Christian theological concepts will be discussed, with "God","Sin" and "Love" as detailed examples; it will compare the original meanings of them in Christian culture with the meanings of their correspondent Chinese words in Chinese context, presenting the construction of Chinese theological context based on the Chinese translation of theological concepts.
Accordingly, this dissertation does not only show a panorama of Joshua Marshman and his works relevant to Chinese, but also link the two translations by him and make an in-depth discussion on them for the first time. And having studied on the "decontextualization" and "recontextualization" of the concepts in the translations of classics, it traces the "synchronic" flow and "diachronic" flow of the concepts in both Chinese and English contexts, which involves with the cultural intersections and communions. For the analysis of the translations, the author prefers to assess the value of the versions by exploring "the elements of openness" and "creativeness" in them but not focus on "correctness" or "equivalence", while paying great attention to the cultural reasons behind translation and the values of versions to promote the cultural dialogue between the West and China. In a word, this dissertation is going to rethink Confucian and Christian exchanges through the translations of Confucian Classics for missionaries' Chinese learning and the versions of the Bible done by them in the early time, and asks for a better understanding of the early cultural dialogue between the West and China on the basis of the cross-cultural translations, which could provide some valuable experiences for our intercultural communication and cross-cultural research nowadays indeed.
引文
Philippi Couplet ed., Confucius Sinarum Philosophus,Parisiis: Horthenials,1687.
5 根据之前所说的《中国哲学家孔子》之拉丁译本,1691年已有一部英文转译本出现,名为The Morals of Confucius, a Chinese Philosopher,此书再版于1818,更题为The Life and Morals of Confucius, A Chinese Philosopher,详见David Mungello, Curious land, Jesuit Accommodation and the Origins of Sinology (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner,1985) pp.247-99.
6 Joshua Marshman, trans., The Works of Confucius: Contained the Original Text, with a Translation, Serampore:Mission Press, 1809.
7 Joshua Marshman, Clavis Sinica: Elements of Chinese Grammar, Serampore: Mission Press,1814.
8 “尽管乔舒亚·马士曼并没有直接参与在中国的传教事业,但以其为推进这项工作所奉献的时间与才智来看,他足可以成为其中的代表；而他于第一时间所做出的努力,使其名列此单之首。”(Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese: Giving a List of Their Publications and Obituary Notices of the Deceased, Shanghai:1867, p.5)
9 Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China: the History of the Union Version or the Culmination of Protestant Missionary Bible Translation in China. Sankt Augustin:Monumenta Serica Institute,1999.(此书中文版由蔡锦图翻译,已于2000年由国际汉语圣经出版有限公司在香港出版,中文版题名为《和合本与中文圣经翻译》)。
10 Ibid. pp.45-56.
11 马敏：《马希曼、拉沙与早期的,圣经>中译》,历史研究,1998年第4期。
12 谭树林：《<圣经>“二马译本”关系辨析》,世界宗教研究,2000年第1期。
13 谭树林：《近代中文<圣经>翻译史上的“二马译本”》,烟台师范学院学报(哲学社会科学版),2003年12月, 第20卷第4期。
14 赵晓阳：《马士曼<圣经>汉文全译本的文化意义》,中国宗教,2009年第12期。
15 赵晓阳：《二马圣经译本与白日升圣经译本关系考辨》,近代史研究,2009年第4期。
16 文中对于马士曼译作仅是草草带过,并且对于其译本描述出现了根本性错误,如言其译本仅节译了《论语》的第一至九章,实际上是第一至十章。又如,作者说马士曼是在一位华人的帮助下学习的中文,事实上马士曼正式的中文老师拉萨尔是生于澳门的亚美尼亚人。(崔玉军：《英国汉学界的<论语>英译：历史与问题》,复旦大学出土文献与古文字研究中心网站论文,登陆时间2012年3月21日)http://www.gwz.fudan.edu.cn/SrcShow.asp?Src ID=1081
17王辉：《传教士<论语>译本与基督教意识形态》,深圳大学学报(人文社会科学版),2007年第24卷第6期。
18 王辉、叶拉美：《马礼逊与马士曼的<大学>译本》,中国文化研究所学报,2009年第49期。
19 郑梦娟：《论19世纪上半叶英国汉语语法研究——以(中国言法>、(上海方言口语语法>为例》,中国传媒大学博士学位论文,2007年。
20 郑梦娟：《<中国言法>及其汉语韵律研究》,修辞研究,2008年第6期。
21 Swapan Chakravorty and Abhijit Gupta ed., "Note on the Chinese Printing in Serampore", in New World Order: Translational Themes in Book History, Delhi:Worldview Publications,2011.
22 苏精,《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,台湾：学生书局,2000,第151页。
23 事实上,张隆溪先生在他1988年的文章中已将中国含纳进萨义德所述之东方。("The Myth of the Other: China in the Eyes of the West", Critical Inquiry, Vol.15, No.1 (Autumn,1988.)pp.108-131.)
24 张宽,《萨伊德的「东方主义」和西方的汉学研究》,《晾望》新闻周刊,1995年第27期,第36-37页。
25 1996年3月2-11日,Nick Clifford在H-Asia网站上发起过有关萨义德的“东方主义”是否适用于汉学研究的讨论,共有26个汉学家参与讨论(H-Asia, Orientalism,1996, accessible from www: http://www2.h-net.msu.edu/~asia/threads/thrdorientalism.html.)
1996年10月26日,在美国东方学会西部分部(Western Branch of the AOS)又举行了两组讨论,第一组的论题为“汉学的方法与目的和东方学者的责任”(Methods and Aims in Sinology, and the Orientalist Charge). Richard Lynn, Nick Clifford, Mike Szongyi等人均对将东方主义适用于汉学研究表示怀疑：Richard Lynn对于将汉学描述为“一种为传播扭曲的中国形象以追求邪恶目的,维护西方优势的恶性欺诈”表示不满,他认为汉学史是有变化的,即使最初对中国的描绘带有一些西方优越感,也不表示所有的汉学都是非真实性的,很多研究是建立在中文原文本上的语言学或文本研究,有些汉学家的老师亦是中国学者,所以所谓“异己他者”的问题并不一定产生。Nick Clifford则坚持汉学可以独立于“东方主义”之外,就如当初的中国并没有被轻易殖民一样,从马可·波罗到耶稣会士的最初描绘,一直在向西方展现一个积极的中国形象,以及西方对中国文化的敬仰倾慕。(The American Oriental Society,1996, accessible from www:http://weber.u.washington.edu/yuenren/Histbry of Sinology 96.html.)
26周宁,《汉学或「汉学主义」》厦门大学学报(哲学社会科学版)，2004年第1期，第5-13页。
27 Edward W. Said, Orientalism, New York: Vintage Books,1979.
28 Ibid. p.3; p.23.
33 张宽,《再谈萨伊德》,读书,1994年第10期,第10页。
34 同上,第9页。
35 张西平,《萨义德的「东方学」西方汉学》,读书,2008年第9期。
36 同上。
37 Daniel Martin Varisco, Reading Orientalism:Said and Unsaid, Seattle and London:University of Washington Press, 2007, p.97.)
37 对萨义德“东方主义”的控诉名单可能会很长,包括以下学者：Sadia Jalal al-'Azm, Brvan Turner, Malcolm Kerr.
40 张西平,《萨义德的「东方学」与西方汉学》,读书,2008年第9期。
41 这一点在张宽引入“东方主义”时就已经做出了警醒,而后来国内学界对于“东方主义”的过度依赖或阐发反而成了缺乏文化主体性的学术“自我殖民”之体现。关于“东方主义”到“西方主义”的讨论,可见张宽,《欧美人眼中的“非我族类”》,读书,1993第9期,第3-9页。
42 Oxford Greek-English Learner's Dictionary, Oxford University Press,1989; Teknia Greek Dictionary Online, accessible from the World Wide Web:http://www.teknia.com/greek-dictionary/hermeneuo
43 袁洪庚,《阐释学与翻译》,外国语,1991年第5期,第35页。
44 [德]伽达默尔,《哲学解释学》(夏镇平,宋建平译),上海：上海译文出版社,1994,第7页。
45 同上,第48页。
46 [法]保罗·利科,《解释学与人文科学》(陶远华,袁耀东等译),石家庄：河北人民出版社,1987年,第41页。
47 伽达默尔在论述“语言是阐释经验之媒介”时,对“翻译即阐释”有所涉及与深化。(Hans-Georg Gadamer,Truthand Method, trans.& revised by Joel Weinsheimer, Donald G. Marshall, London: Sheed & Ward,1993, pp.381-395.)
48 Richard Kearney, "Introduction" in On Translation by Paul Ricoeur, trans, by Eileen Brennan, London; New York: Routledge, 2006, pp. vii-viii.
49 [法]保罗·利科,《解释学与人文科学》(陶远华,袁耀东等译),石家庄：河北人民出版社,1987年,第148页。
50 武光军,《翻译即诠释——论保罗·利科的翻译哲学》,中国翻译,2008年第3期,第16页。
51 [法]保罗·利科,《解释学与人文科学》(陶远华,袁耀东等译),石家庄:河北人民出版社,1987年,第93页。
52 Richard Kearney, "Introduction" in On Translation by Paul Ricoeur, trans, by Eileen Brennan, London; New York: Routledge,2006, p. xii.
53 Ibid. p. xiii.
54 [法]保罗·利科,《解释学与人文科学》(陶远华,袁耀东等译),石家庄：河北人民出版社,1987年,第163页。
55 Paul Ricoeur, On Translation, trans, by Eileen Brennan, London; New York:Routledge,2006, p.23.
56 Paul Ricoeur, Surla traduction, Paris:Bayard,2004, pp.19-20.
57 Richard Kearney, "Introduction" in On Translation by Paul Ricoeur, trans, by Eileen Brennan, London; New York: Routledge,2006, p. xvi.
F. L, Gottlob Frege, Die Grundlagen der Arithmetik, Breslau; Koebner 1884,p.x; idem,The Foundation of Arithmetic,
64 Ludwig J. J. Wittgenstein, Philosophical Investigations, trans. by G. E. M. Anscombe, Oxford: Basil Blackwell,1958, § 19.
65 Ibid. §23.
66 Ibid.226e.
67 Henry L. R. Finch, Wittgenstein:The Later Philosophy, Atlantic Highlands: Humanities Press,1977, p.93.
68 Quentin Skinner, Visions of Politics, Vol. One: Regarding Method, London: Cambridge University Press,2002.
69 丁耘,《什么是思想史》,上海：上海人民出版社,2006,第152页(译文有改动)。
70 同上,第151页。
71 Quentin Skinner, Visions of Politics, Vol. One:Regarding Method, London: Cambridge University Press,2002, p.4.
73 方维规,《概念史研究方法要旨——兼谈中国相关研究中存在的问题》,载于《新史学》第三卷,北京：中华书局,第3-20页;Melvin Richter, The History of Political and Social Concepts: A Critical Introdction,New York; Oxfard. Oxford University Press,1995, pp.124-142.
74 Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary of Current English, Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press,2000.
75 曹意强,《什么是观念史》,新美术,2003年第4期,第50页。
76 同上。
77 Arthur O. Lovejoy, The Great Chain of Being: A Study of the History of an Idea, Cambridge; Massachusetts; London: Harvard University Press,1936.
78 Mark Bevir, Mind and Method in History of Ideas, History and Theory, Vol.36, No.2, May 1997, p.169.
79 John G. A. Pocock, "Language and Their Implications: The Transformation of the Study of Political Thought," in Politics, Language and Time, London:Methuen & Co. Ltd.,1972, p.25.
80 John G. A. Pocock, "State of the Art", in Virtue, Commerce, and History, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1985, p.12.
81 “有些哲学家定义意图包含(自身的)信仰(beliefs)与欲望(desires),理由是认为我们相信的行为模式会引导我们去满足自己的欲望；而斯金纳所定义的“言外意图”并非如此。他所定义的“言外意图”是与其意涵或意义相反的一个行为点,如此当信仰或欲望嵌入“言外意图”之中时,行为点就会执行与信仰指引方向相反的行为。”比如,当一个警察告诉一个滑冰者,湖上结得冰很薄时,他的“言外意图”是警告滑冰者；又如,Defoe模仿反对宽容持不同宗教政见者的论断时,其“言外意图”是嘲笑他们；再如,当Locke忽略古老宪法的规范力时,他的“言外意图”是反对它。(Mark Bevir, Mind and Method in History of Ideas, History and Theory, Vol.36, No.2, May 1997, p.173.)
82 Quentin Skinner, "Motives, Intentions and Interpretation," in Meaning and Context:Quentin Skinner and His Critics, ed. J. Tully, Cambridge: Polity Press,1988, p,77.
83 本节内容笔者主要参考以下文献：John Clark Marshman, The Life and Times of Carey, Marshman, and Ward, Embracing the History of the Serampore Mission Vol.1, London:Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans,& Roberts,1859; John Fenwick, Biographical Sketches of Joshua Marshman of Serampore. Newcastle upon Tyne: Emerson Chamley,1843; Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press,1867.笔者注：根据当时社会环境,从时间推算，马士曼父亲的身世及祖辈追溯不甚明晰,不足确信,有待考证。
86 The Chinese Traveller. Containing a Geographical, Commercial, and Political History of China, with a Particular Account of their Customs, Manners, Religion, Agriculture, Government, Arts, Science, Ceremonies, Buildings, Language, Physick, Trade, Manufactures, Shipping, Plants, Trees, Beasts, Birds &c.&c. To which is prefixed, the Life of Confucius, the Celebrated Chinese Philospher, Collected from Du Halde, Le Compte, and Other Modern Travellers. London:E. and C.
Dillv,1775.
87 John Clark Marshman, The Life and Times of Carey, Marshman, and Ward, Embracing the History of the Serampore Mission Vol.l, London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans,& Roberts,1859, p.104.
88 《that he had too much 'head knowledge' of Christianity to have much 'heart knowledge' of its truths" (Ibid. p.106)
89 本节内容笔者主要参考以下文献：John Clark Marshman, The Life and Times of Carey, Marshman, and Ward, Embracing the History of the Serampore Mission Vol.1, London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans,& Roberts,1859; John Fenwick, Biographical Sketches of Joshua Marshman of Serampore. Newcastle upon Tyne: Emerson Chamley,1843; Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1867.
90 瑞兰德英国浸信总会的创始人之一,同时也是一个很有文化涵养与文学修养的人。他一生写了很多圣诗,后来多被谱曲用于他的布道之中。
91 瑞奇少年时发掘了非凡的语言天赋,后不仅熟悉拉丁语和希腊语,同时会希伯来语、叙利亚文、波斯语、土耳其语等其他东方语言,除了做使官,他还是英国有名的商人、旅行家兼古文物学者。
92 富勒是英国浸信总会的创始人之一,担任过BMS的秘书长一职,是浸信会海外传教的推动者。
93 John Clark Marshman, The Life and Times of Carey, Marshman, and Ward, Embracing the History of the Serampore Mission Vol.1, London:1859.p.111; John Fenwick, Biographical Sketches of Joshua Marshman of Serampore, Newcastle upon Tyne: Emerson Chamley,1843. p.7. (伟烈亚力的Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese中所记述的起航时间与地点为：1799年5月20日,伦敦；此处笔者认同马士曼之子J.C.Marshman对当时情况的描述,故选择了他的记录版本。)
94 依J.C. Marshman的记录,当时本有东印度公司驶往加尔各答的春季舰队,但马士曼一行并未试图登船,因为知道必然会被拒绝,而且他们的身份意图很有可能会被报告印度当地政府,使得所有外来船只上的传教士都不得进入印度；而那一季的丹麦商船客运早已离开,好在最后赶上了一艘开往孟加拉地区(Bengal)的美国客轮。
95 Joshua Ma rshman, Letters to Mr. Benj.Marshman, Serampore, 14 Oct.1799.
96 Jbid.2 Jul.1799; 20 Jul.1799; 9 Aug.1793.
105 Biographical Sketches of Joshua Marshman of Serampore, Newcastle upon Tyne:Emerson Chamley,1843, p.8.
104 Ibid.
105 John Clark Marshman, The Life and Times of Carey, Marshman, and Ward, Embracing the History of the Serampore Mission Vol.1, London:1859, p.122.
106 Memoir relative to the Translations of the Sacred Scriptures: To the Baptist Missionary Society in England, Dunstable: J. W. Morris, 1808, p.4.
109 Ibid.
110 Memoir relative to the Translations of the Sacred Scriptures: To the Baptist Missionary Society in England, Dunstable: J. W. Morris,1808, pp.4-15.
111 1808年《译经备忘录》中作Bengalee。(Ibid.)
112 1808年《译经备忘录》中作Mahratta。(Ibid.)
113 1808年《译经备忘录》中作Sungskrit。(Ibid.)
114 1808年《译经备忘录》中作Hindustanee, Hindoostanee。(Ibid.)
115 1808年《译经备忘录》中作Hindee。(Ibid.)
116 1808年《译经备忘录》中作Telinga。(Ibid.)
117 1808年《译经备忘录》中作Kernata。(Ibid.)
118 1808年《译经备忘录》中作Guzzeratee。(Ibid.)
119 1808年《译经备忘录》中作the language of Seeks。(Ibid.)
120 Tenth Memoir respecting the Translations of the Sacred Scriptures into Oriental Languages by the Serampore Brethren, London: Parbury, Allen & Co.1834.
121 1834年《译经备忘录》中作Kashmere。(Ibid.)
122 1834年《译经备忘录》中作Magudh。(Ibid.)
123 1834年《译经备忘录》中作Munipore。(Ibid.)
124 1834年《译经备忘录》中作Pushtoo。(Ibid.)
125 Ibid. pp.32-36; A Third Memoir of the Translations, carrying on at Serampore, in A Letter addressed to the Society, London:J. Haddon, Finsbury,1812, pp.46-47; Susan Visvanathan, The Christians of Kerala: History, Belief and Ritual among the Yakoba, Madras: Oxford University Press,1993; idem, Missionary Styles and the Problem of Dialogue, Shimla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study,1993.
126 Kenneth Ingham, Reformers in India,1793-1833, New York: Cambridge University Press,1956, p.8.
127 Lord Minto在印任职时间为1807年至1813年,是后来马士曼1809年印行的英译《论语》(The Works of Confucius)之出版资助人以及后期主要译经资助人之一。
128 Susan Visvanathan, "The Homogeneity of Fundamentalism:Christianity, British Colonialism, and India in the Nineteenth Century", Studies in History,16:(2), Aug 1,2000, p.227.(Accessible from the World Wide Web: http://sih.sagepub.com/content/16/2/221.citation)
129 参见附录一之浸信会传教站点及塞兰坡浸信会士译经语种分布图。
130 Susan Visvanathan, "The Homogeneity of Fundamentalism: Christianity, British Colonialism, and India in the Nineteenth Century", Studies in History,16:(2), Aug 1,2000, p.229.(Accessible from the World Wide Web: http://sih.sagepub.com/content/16/2/221.citation)
131 William Carey and Joshua Marshman, The Ramayuna of Valmeeki, in the Original Sungskrit. With a Prose Translation and Explanatory Notes.Vol.l,11,111. Serampore: Mission Press,1806,1808,1810.
132 Joshua Marshman, The Works of Confucius containing The Original Text with a Translation Vol. Serampore: Mission Press,1809.
133 Joshua Marshman, Dissertation on the Characters and Sounds of the Chinese Language: Including Table of Elementary Characters, and of the Chinese Monosyllables, Serampore: Mission Press,18.09.
134 Joshua Marshman, Advantages of Christianity in Promoting the Establishment and Prosperity of the British Government in India; containing Remarks Occasioned by Reading a Memoir on the Vellore Mutiny, London:Smith Printing Office,1813.
135 Joshua Marshman, Clavis Sinica: Elements of Chinese Grammar, with a Preliminary Dissertation on the Characters and the Colloquial Medium of the Chinese, and an Appendix Containing the TA-HYOH of Confucius with a Translation. Serampore: Mission Press,1814.
136 William Carey, Joshua Marshman and William Ward, Hints Relative to Native Schools, Together with the Outline of an Institution for their Extension and Management. Serampore: Mission Press,1816.
137 William Carey, Joshua Marshman, William Ward, College for the Instruction of Asiatic Christian and Other Youth, in Eastern Literature and European Science, at Serampore, Bengal, London:Printed for Black, Kingsbury, Parbury, and Allen, Leadenhall Street,1819.
138 Joshua Marshman, School Dialogues: or, Lessons on the Commandments and the Way of Salvation, to which is Added a Dialogue on Reading, London: The Religious Tract Society, n.d. [1821?]
139 Joshua Marshman, A Defence of the Deity and Atonement of Jesus Christ, In Reply to Ram-Mohun Roy of Calcutta, London: Kingsbury, Parbury, and Allen, 1822.
146 The Friend of India (Quarterly Series) Volume Ⅳ, No. Ⅻ, May,1825. Serampore: Mission Press,1825, pp.110-137.
147 例如对于缅甸人的记述：“Remarks on the Manners and Character of the Burmese" (Ibid, pp.1-33).
148 例如对于火焚寡妇,殉夫印度教习的谴责："On the Burning of Widows" (Ibid. pp.449-478).
149 George Smith, The Conversion of India: from Pantaenus to the present time, A.D.193-1893, London: John Murray, 1893, p.23; Susan Visvanathan, "The Homogeneity of Fundamentalism:Christianity, British Colonialism, and India in the Nineteenth Century", Studies in History,16:(2), Aug 1,2000, p.229.(Accessible from the World Wide Web: http://sih.sagepub.com/content/16/2/2'21.citation)
150 Ram-Mohun Roy, The Precepts of Jesus: The Guide to Peace and Happ/ness, Calcutta: Unitarian Press,1820.
151 Ram-Mohun Roy, Final Appeal to the Christian Public in Defence of the "Precepts of Jesus", Calcutta; London: Unitarian Press,1823; idem, The Precepts of Jesus: The Guide to Peace and Happiness, to Which are Added the First and Second Appeal to the Christian Public, New York: B. Bates,1825; Chellaian Lawrence, "Christian Mission in Asia Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow", a paper presented for CATS VI, on Feb.9-14,2009. (Accessible from the World Wide Web:http://www.cca.org.hk/resource/ctc/ctc-xxvi-1/ctc-xxvi-1.htm)
152 事实上,凯瑞最初到达印度传教时曾经试图在佛教(Buddhism)与耆那教(Jain)中找到基督教在印度的文化语境,并希望能够拉拢印度的智识界。他在1795年至1796年间,与梵文学者Tantric Hariharananda Vidyabagish 以及Ram Mohan Roy一起著述了经书Maha Nirvana Tantra,试图将其描绘成一个讲述“一真神”(the One True God)的古老文本,暗示“耶稣基督”(Jesus Christ)与“梵夭”(Brahma)的联系。最初此经的律法篇曾被英属印度法院用于解决印度当地的司法问题,但很快英国人便将其定为伪经,并废弃了对此经的使用,连带减少对印度法律的参考以及对印度学者的依赖。此后,尽管在翻译《圣经》时,塞兰坡浸信会士还是会依靠印度学者的语言能力,但是在宗教文化上冉没有更多的同盟式联结。(John Martin Duncan Derrett, Essays in Classical and Modern Hindu Law: Anglo-Hindu Legal Problems, Leiden:E. J. Brill,1977)
153 马士曼一家主要指的是马士曼夫妇和他们的长子J. C. Marshman。(E. Daniel Potts, British Baptist Missionaries in India,1793-1837: The History of Serampore and its Missions, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1967, p.116.)
154 C. E. Buckland, Dictionary of Indian Biography, New York:Haskeli House Publishers Ltd.,1968, p.276.
155 Ibid.
156 Ibid.; Joshua Marshman, Brief Memoir Relative to the Operations of the Serampore Missionaries, Bengal. London: Parbury, Allen & Co. Leadenhall Street,1827, pp.12-13.
157 Joshua Marshman, Brief Memoir Relative to the Operations of the Serampore Missionaries, Bengal. London:Parbury, Allen & Co. Leadenhall Street,1827, pp.12-13.
158 Ibid. p.13.
159 "faith cometh by hearing, and hearing by the word of God"(Romans,10:17), quoted by Marshman. (Ibid, p,18)
160 Steve Bishop, "Protestant Missionary Education in British India", Evangelical Quarterly 69:3,1997, pp.245-266.
161 Joshua Marshman, Brief Memoir Relative to the Operations of the Serampore Missionaries, Bengal. London:Parbury, Allen & Co. Leadenhall Street,1827, p.18.
162 Ibid. pp.18-23.
163 Ibid. p.24.
164 Ibid.
165 Christopher A. Smith, "Mythology and missology: a methodological approach to the pre-Victorian Mission of the Serampore trio", International Review of Mission, 93 (330), July 1994, pp.451-75.
156 John Clark Marshman, The Life and Times of Carey, Marshman, and Ward, Embracing the History of the Serampore Mission Vol.11. London:1859, p.305.
167 Ibid. pp.306-307.
168 Ibid. p.307.
169 J. C. Marshman认为,总会尤其是戴尔秘书长的态度发生急转,与Eustace Carey的从中挑唆不无关系。Eustace是William Carey的外甥,此前被选派在印度加尔各答的分站,后回到英国总会工作。争议发生时,他就在总会,并且与戴尔是很亲密的朋友,他的态度和言辞直接影响秘书长和总会的判断。而Eustace对塞兰坡浸信分会偏见颇深,他向戴尔进言,认为塞兰坡学院本就管理不善,每年1000镑的申请都是不合理的,同时他将塞兰坡浸信分会描绘成一个独立且对总会不敬的分会。(Ibid.)笔者从后来双方的争论文章与小册子中尚不能确认Eustace是否确实有以上言辞,但可以确定的是,Eustace Carey
171 John Clark Marshman, The Life and Times of Carey, Marshman, and Ward, Embracing the History of the Serampore Mission Vol.11, London: 1859, pp.307-308.
172 Ibid. pp.309-310; Letter from William Carey to Joshua Marshman, and to the Committee, Calcutta,15th April,1826. 173 Ibid. p.311.
174 会议间歇期间,马士曼先后前往了丹麦、德国、荷兰与法国。他在伦敦与丹麦牧师见面,感谢他们一直以来
215 Joshua Marshman, Clavis Sinica: Elements of Chinese Grammar, with a Preliminary Dissertation on the Characters and the Colloquial Medium of the Chinese, and an Appendix Containing the TA-HYOH of Confucius with a Translation. Serampore:Mission Press,1814, p.ii.
216 笔者转写翻译自：Joshua Marshman, Letter to Dr. Ryland (BMS), Serampore,25 May 1806.
217 清朝的一般启蒙识字读物主要有三：《百家姓》、《三字经》和《千字文》。马士曼的信中虽未注明所用书籍之名称,只有所含汉字数量,但考虑到其所处时期以及拉萨尔在澳门和广州可能接受的中文教育,笔者推测其提到的基础识字教材很有可能是《三字经》与《千字文》。
218 笔者转写翻译自：Joshua Marshman, Letter to Dr. Ryland (BMS), Serampore,25 May 1806.
219 笔者转写翻译自：Joshua Marshman, Letter to Dr. Ryland (BMS), Serampore,23 Oct.1807.
220 Ibid.
221 Tonquin是越南的最北部区域。
222 Cochin China是越南的一个区域,包括南越首都西贡(现胡志明市)在内的三个大城市。
223 暹罗为泰国的旧称,暹罗语即泰语。
224 Joshua Marshman, Letter to Dr. Ryland (BMS), Serampore,10 Feb.1807.
225 马士曼记述他在中国人家里看到“画在平面上的中国人物(figure),前面有烛火长明,中国人早晚晨昏两拜。”当然,在马士曼口中,敬拜偶像的中国人是“可怜的人”(the poor men),需要他的引领,这也是他传教工作的动力。(Ibid.)
226 在马士曼寄往浸信总会的信中,描述道：“拉萨尔对孔子及其学说非常推崇,敬仰之情就像印度人对待‘梵天’(Brahma)一样。" (Joshua Marshman, Letter to Dr. Ryland (BMS), Serampore,25 May 1806.)
227 Ibid; Joshua Marshman, Letter to Dr. Ryland (BMS), Serampore,23 Oct.1807.
228 此处所说之评注,应为朱熹的《四书章句集注》。
229 此处所说的正在逐句翻译的“这本书”,应该就是马士曼后来于1809年在塞兰坡出版的英译《论语》上半卷,
《孔子的著作》(The Works of Confucius)。
230 笔者转写翻译自：Joshua Marshman, Letter to Dr. Ryland (BMS), Serampore,23 Oct.1807.
231 Joshua Marshman, Letter to Dr. Ryland (BMS), Serampore,20 Aug.1806.
232 Joshua Marshman, Letter to Dr. Ryland (BMS), Serampore,25 May 1806.
233 笔者转写翻译自：Joshua Marshman, Letter to Dr. Ryland (BMS), Serampore,23 Oct.1807.
234 进入到学文阶段后,每天中文课后的下午,约翰都会进行希伯来语和希腊文的学习，另外两个孩子则学习希 腊文与拉丁文。(ibid.)
235 Joshua Marshman, Letter to Dr. Ryland (BMS), Serampore,25 May 1806; Letter to Dr. Ryland (BMS), Serampore,20 Aug.1806; Letter to Dr. Ryland (BMS), Serampore,23 Oct.1807.
236 Joshua Marshman, Letter to Dr. Ryland (BMS), Serampore,10 Feb.1807.
237 Sharon Turner, 'The Ramayuna of Valmiki' , Quarterly Review, Vol.3, No.6 (May 1810), pp.379-399.
238 马礼逊认为考官都不是中国人,不甚了解中文,又如何能够准确判断学生的中文水准。(Robert Morrison, Letter to the Directors, Canton,14 Dec.1809.)
239 Sharon Turner, 'The Ramayuna of Valmiki' , Quarterly Review, Vol.3, No.6 (May 1810), pp.379-399.
240 彼时的东印度公司看到了在塞兰坡开展中文教学的益处与优势,开始以福特威廉学院为基地,采取更为积极的支持。(Claudius Buchanan, Two Discourses Preached before the University of Cambridge, Cambridge:University Press,1811.)
241 总督明托在他于福特威廉学院的第一次年度讲演中盛赞塞兰坡的中文课程,以及拉萨尔的教学及塞兰坡的汉译圣经工作。(Ibid., p.98.)
242 John Clark Marshman, The Life and Times of Carey, Marshman, and Ward, Embracing the History of the Serampore Mission Vol.1, London: 1859.pp.244-245; Marshall Broomhall, The Bible in China, London: British and Foreign Bible Society,1934, p.57.
248 Joshua Marshman, Letter to Lord Minto,21 April 1806.
249 Joshua Marshman, Letter to Dr. Rvland (BMS),23 Oct.1807.
250 Joshua Marshman, trans., The Works of Confucius:Contained the Original Text, with a Translation (Serampore: Mission Press,1809, xxii-xxiii.)
251 前文已提及,“塞兰坡三杰”中沃德主要负责塞兰坡传道出版社(Serampore Mission Press)的印刷出版工作,但中文印刷出版由于其语言的特殊性则是由马士曼直接牵头负责的。
252 马士曼曾在日记中提到,Kung-Lee(孔理?)曾为他们监管汉字刻板：“一般由Kung-Lee将字写好,倒贴于木板之上,再由当地工人刻版；因此,他做的工作更多是监督指导,而非刻版”值得注意的是,Kung-Lee是马士曼唯一提及姓名的中国助手,虽然他仅参与了塞兰坡前期中文印刷出版的工作。(笔者转写翻译自：Joshua Marshman, Letter to Dr. Ryland (BMS),23 Oct.1807.)
253 马士曼在写予总会的信中曾表示,若没有中国人的帮助,欧洲人根本不可能学好中文,更不可能进行中文印刷出版；他还举例说明,Dr. Hager如何将“木”字错写成了“水”字,差之毫厘,失之千里。(Joshua Marshman, Letter to Dr. Ryland (BMS),20 Aug.1806.)
254 John Clark Marshman, The Story of Carey, Ward and Marshman: the Serampore Missionaries, Embracing the History of the Serampore Mission, in Two Volumes, vol.1. London: 1859, pp.388-89.
255 Memoir Relative to the Translations of the Sacred Scriptures, Dunstable:J. W. Morris,1808, p.15.
256 Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China: the History of the Union Version or the Culmination of Protestant Miss Bible Translation in China, Sankt Augustin: Monumenta Serica Institute,1999, p.49.
257 1809年8月20日,马士曼被总督召见并引荐给了刚刚到达加尔各答不久的柔瑞国,与他同去的还有他的长子约翰。初次见面,双方谈了一些关于中文与中国的话题,约翰还在柔瑞国面前朗诵和书写了中文,对此柔瑞国看起来很欣喜。(Joshua Marshman, Letter to Andrew Fuller, Serampore,23 Aug.1809.)
258 Joshua Marshman, Elements of Chinese Grammar, Serampore: Mission Press,1814, p. iii.
259 Joshua Marshman, Letter to Rev. Sutdiff Olney Bucker, Serampore,9 Mar.1810.
260 Ibid.(笔者并未在牛津大学安格斯图书馆的塞兰坡浸信会之藏书中看到这样一本拉汉字典之副本,且马士曼信件中亦未写明此字典的题名,故无法确认其所指拉汉字典具体为何。)
261 笔者转写并翻译自：Joshua Marshman, Letter to Rev. Sutdiff Olney Bucker,9 Mar.1810.。
262 Memoir Relative to the Translations of the Sacred Scriptures, Dunstable:J. W. Morris, 1808, pp.14-15.
263 如前文所述,推合卷数与时代,此字典有可能是除去叙目篇的《说文解字》。
264 拉萨尔当时的翻译并没有出版,只是以手稿的形式发回到英国圣经公会(BFBS)手中。(BFBS Report,1807, p.154.)
265 马士曼曾在多封信件中称赞拉萨尔的语言能力,如说他除了中文之外,还会“四国外语,他的亚美尼亚语,葡萄牙语,印度语和英语都非常流利。”(笔者转写并翻译自：Joshua Marshman, Letter to Dr. Ryland (BMS),20 Aug.1806.)但在另一些信中,他却表示出,至少拉萨尔的英文不是非常流利,如在马士曼初学中文时,他和拉萨尔“以葡萄牙语作为第二语言中介(拉萨尔的英文还不是很好),来研讨汉字的意义”(笔者转写翻译自：Joshua Marshman, Letter to Dr. Ryland (BMS), Serampore,25 May 1806.),又如在汉译《圣经》是,马士曼表示：“我们不得不和我们的导师[Lassar]摸索前行,因为生长于中国的他对于英语的理解比我们对中文的了解多不了多少。”(Joshua Marshman, Letter to BMS, Serampore,3 Apr.1817.)
266 Joshua Marshman, Letter to Dr. Ryland (BMS), Serampore,23 Oct.1807.
267 J.J.Griesbach修订版的希腊文《圣经》.1796出版。
268 Joshua Marshman, Letter to BMS in 1813, quoted in British Foreian Bible Society: Report 1.1815.164ff.
269 剑桥大学圣经公会图书馆藏有一孤本,其内封有传教士签名,并注明1810年出版,木板雕版印刷,线装一册,
278 John Clark Marshman, The Life and Times of Carey, Marshman, and Ward, Embracing the History of the Serampore Mission Vol.11. London:1859. pp.63-64.
279 Joshua Marshman, Extract of a Letter from Dr. Marshman to Dr. Ryland. December, 1813.
280 马礼逊鉴于塞兰坡铅字活字印刷的风头太盛,对于马士曼方面颇有微词,几次表达认为传统木刻雕版印刷要好于西式铅字活字印刷云云。而马礼逊的《通用汉言之法》几经辗转之后也是于1815年在塞兰坡印刷出版的。(苏精,《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,台湾：学生书局,2000,pp.144-146.)
281 Joshua Marshman, Elements of Chinese Grammar, with a Preliminary Dissertation on the Characters and the Colloquial Medium of the Chinese, and an Appendix Containing the TA-HYOH of Confucius with a Translation, Serampore Mission Press: 1814.经笔者实地考察,此书在牛津大学Angus Library藏本,中文铅活字印刷,硬皮洋装一册,开本约为22.6cm*28.2cm,单张正反印刷,共计324页,648面,有页码。文内汉字大小有三种:1cm2,0.8cm2,0.5cm2.
282 苏精,《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,台湾：学生书局,2000，第140页.
283 Joshua Marshman, Dissertation on the Characters and Sounds of the Chinese Language, Serampore. Nov.,1809. Angus Library, Regent's Park College, Oxford.硬皮装订。
284 Ibid. p. ⅹⅴ.
285 Ibid.p.vi.
286 书中中文原文无句读,自右向左竖排版,且每个字旁有注音(粤语)。(Ibid, p.198.)
287 Ibid. p.199.
288 Ibid. p.200.在后文中,此例再次出现,但英译文有所出入,'The man of letters directing his attention toward the Way, but ashamed of mean clothing and coarse food..." (Ibid. p.523.)
292 Letter from Dr. Marshman to Dr. Ryland, Dec.1813, quoted in BFBS Report 1815.
293 Joshua Marshman, Letter to Dr, Ryland,13 Dec.1816.
294 马礼逊与米怜版的[旧约]部分([旧遗诏书])主要是由米怜来完成的,尽管他没有来得及看到最后的出版。
295 马士曼与拉萨尔所译之r旧约],原文有句读,藏于Angus Library, Oxford University,索书号Chinese 2.11(原线装,后重装为硬皮洋装),Chinese 2.12, Chinese 2.5,线装。
297 苏精,《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,台湾：学生书局,2000年,第151页。
Joshua Marshman, 'Letter from Marshman, Serampore, Dec 1813', The Eleventh Report of the British and Foreign Bible Society,1815.
299 苏精,《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,台湾：学生书局,2.000年，第151页。
300 Lun Gnee是马士曼对于《论语》题名的注音,其实应为Lun Yu。
301 书中后面的序号出现多处错误,没能按照应该的顺序排列,疑为排版失误导致,好在文字的顺序是正确的。
302 Joshua Marshman, The Works of Confucius, Serampore: Mission Press,1809, p. xxxvi.
303 至“曾子曰：慎终追远,民德归厚矣”则不再标注官话发音,仅有粤语发音。
304 此处sage可译为“圣人”或“先哲”,即孔子.
305 《论语集注》序言中说：“程子曰：‘论语之书,成于有子曾子之门人,故其书独二子以子称。’”此为朱熹所持有子、曾子之门人作书之说,马士曼随之。
306 Joshua Marshman, The Works of Confucius, Serampore: Mission Press,1809, p.xxi.
310 陈祖武,《从经筵讲论看乾隆时期的朱子学》,国学研究,第九卷,北京：北京大学出版社,2002年,第295-313页;李帆,《清代中期文化学术的总体走向与理学的命运》,载于郑大华、邹小站主编之《传统思想的近代转换会议论文集》,北京：社会科学文献出版社,2007年,第194-213页。
311 《书程颐论经筵札子后》,载于《清高宗御制诗文全集》,御制文二集,卷十九,乐善堂全集定本,北京：中国人民大学出版社,1993年；李帆,《清代中期文化学术的总体走向与理学的命运》,载于郑大华、邹小站主编之《传统思想的近代转换会议论文集》,北京：社会科学文献出版社,第194-213页。
312 李帆,《清代中期文化学术的总体走向与理学的命运》,载于郑大华、邹小站主编之《传统思想的近代转换会议论文集》,北京：社会科学文献出版社,第194-213页。313 乾隆对于理学的“先扬后抑,抑而不弃”,从根本上是要理学服务于政治：在科举制度中,虽然理学的受重视程度呈下降趋势,但仍是不可或缺的一部分；对朝中官僚大臣的任用,虽然乾隆斥责一些理学大臣“言行不一”,“好名习气”,但仍旧予以重用,如蔡新、朱珪等；乾隆自己虽然立异于朱子,但却从未全盘否定。某种意义上说,乾隆中后期是游走与“理学”与“经学”之间,想要调和两者矛盾,力求经学之考经实证与理学之义理之结合。(龚书铎主编,李帆著,《清代理学史》中卷,广州：广东教育出版社,2007年；魏永生,《乾嘉时期理学概述》,淮阴师范学院学报(哲学社会科学版),第22卷,2000年第1期,第136-140页；刘桂林,《乾隆皇帝与理学》,曲阜师范大学硕士毕业论文,2010年4月。)
314 魏永生,《乾嘉时期理学概述》,淮阴师范学院学报(哲学社会科学版),第22卷,2000年第1期,第136-137页。
315 Joshua Marshman, Letter to Dr. Ryland (BMS), Serampore,23 Oct.1807.
316 Joshua Marshman, The Works of Confucius, Serampore: Mission Press,1809, pp. xxxiii-xxxiv.
317 Philippi Couplet ed., Confucius Sinarum Philosophus.Parisiis: Horthenials,1687.
318 La Morale de Confucius, Philosophe de la Chine, Amsterdam:1688.
319 The Morals of Confucius, a Chinese Philosopher, London: Randal Taylor,1691此书再版于1818，题为The Life and Morals of Confucius, A Chinese Philosopher,详见David Mungello, Curious land, Jesuit Accommodation and the Origins of Sinology (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner,1985) pp.247-99.
320 The Chinese Traveller. Containing a Geographical, Commercial, and Political History of China, with a Particular Account of their Customs, Manners, Religion, Agriculture, Government, Arts, Science, Ceremonies, Buildings, Language, Physick, Trade, Manufactures, Shipping, Plants, Trees, Beasts, Birds &c.&c. To which is prefixed, the Life of Confucius, the Celebrated Chinese Philospher, Collected from Du Halde, Le Compte, and Other Modern Travellers. London:E. and C. Dillv,1775.
321 Joshua Marshman, The Works of Confucius, Serampore: Mission Press,1809, pp. ii, v, xiv, xv, xx, xxxi, etc.
322 Jean-Baptiste Du Halde, Description geographique, historique, chronologique, politique, et physique de I'empire de la Chine et de la Tartarie chinoise, enrichie des cartes generales et particulieres de ces pays, de la carte generale et des cartes particulieres du Thibet,& de la Coree;& ornee d' un grand nombre de figures & de vignettes gravies en tailledouce. La Have:H. Scheurleer.1735.
327 此处指朱熹所作[四書章句集注]之《论语集注》宋刻本。
328 此处指《论语》及《论语集注》。
329 笔者转写翻译自：Joshua Marshman, Letter to Dr. Ryland (BMS), Serampore,23 Oct.1807.
330 Ibid.
331 Joshua Marshman, trans., The Works of Confucius: Contained the Original Text, with a Translation, Serampore: Mission Press,1809, xxiii.
332 此词汇表出现在每一段译文和注释的最后面,题为“汉字备注”(Remarks on the Characters),是根据原文中标号的每一个汉字所对应的英文译文而补充生成的词条解释。
333 Joshua Marshman, trans., The Works of Confucius: Contained the Original Text, with a Translation, Serampore: Mission Press,1809, xxxvii.
334 中文回译为：“一个人没有知识,但不嫉妒,难道不是君子吗?”(Ibid. p.8.)
335 Saint Augustine's De Doctrina Christiana.
336 笔者译自：Paul Ricoeur, "Existence and Hermeneutics", trans, by Kathleen McLaughlin, in Don Ihde ed. The Conflict of Interpretations: Essays in Hermeneutics, USA: Northwestern University Press,1974, p4.
337 Ibid.
338 在西方阐释学系统中,评注主要是对于文本内容的阐释、解读或评价,而“正音”则属于语文学(philology)的范畴；而在中国传统阐释学中,“正音”却是评注的一部分,因为有时某一个字词的某一个发音也会揭示出其不同的含义与理解,阐释与评价。
339 参见附录三①。
340 参见附录三①。
341 参见附录三②。
342 参见附录三③。
343 马士曼在序言中曾表示,引入“朱子集註”亦可介绍中文和汉字,“因为朱注的文本更加现代而丰富,涉及到更多的文本,词组和汉字”。(Joshua Marshman, trans., The Works of Confucius: Contained the Original Text, with a Translation, Serampore: Mission Press,1809, p. xxxiii).
344 Joshua Marshman, trans., The Works of Confucius:Contained the Original Text, with a Translation, Serampore: Mission Press,1809, p. xix.
345 马士曼对孔子其人及相关中国古代历史的考据结论是,或可存在,且与基督教历史年表所述并不冲突。(Joshua Marshman, trans., The Works of Confucius: Contained the Original Text, with a Translation, Serampore: Mission Press, 1809, pp. ⅹⅹⅸ-ⅹⅹⅹⅲ.)
346 实际情况为：当出现新的字词时,就会有“汉字备注”的出现,前文解读过的字词再出现时,便不再纳入“汉字备注”中,因而整部译本的后面部分,“汉字备注”会逐渐递减,甚至没有。
347 马士曼所使用的注音系统与现今可查的任何一种注音系统都不完全匹配。但可推测出的是,其用罗马字母标出的读音属粤语发音,但音调仅有四种：1)缓和平声2)急促扬声3)长音4)快速短音。译本的开始部分中,汉字旁边除了粤语发音外,还用斜体字母注出了其官话发音。
348 Joshua Marshman, trans., The Works of Confucius: Contained the Original Text, with a Translation, Serampore: Mission Press,1809, p51.
349 当时马士曼手中有三种不同的汉语字典：“一本四卷小字典,一本十四卷的字典和《康熙字典》。”(Memoir Relative to the Translations of the Sacred Scriptures: to the Baptist Missionary Society in England, Ounstable: J. W. Morris,1806,p14-15.)注：十四卷本的很可能是除去序篇的《说文解字》。
350 马士曼的中文老师除了之前提过的拉萨尔和几位中国人之外,还有一位天主教传教士柔瑞国(Pater Rodrigues).他曾在中国居住近20年,在北京传教十年,并于1809年至1810年间到访塞伦坡八个月,对马士曼的中文学习有所指导,还赠予马士曼一本拉丁语-汉语字典(手稿副本)。这本拉汉字典推测为自1724年左右便开始著写,倾注了天主教传教士们近八十年的心血。不过,马士曼得到这本字典时,《孔子的著作》已经完成并准备付印,所以他并没有在翻译时使用这本字典,而仅用其辅助了最终审校。(Joshua Marshman, trans., The Works of Confucius: Contained the Original Text, with a Translation, Serampore: Mission Press,1809, xxxviii; Letter to BMS of March 30,1810.)
351 Joshua Marshman, trans., The Works of Confucius: Contained the Original Text, with a Translation, Serampore: Mission Press,1809, p4. conjucius: Lniainea the Originar lext, with a (?), Serampore: Mission (?)ess, 1809, pS1.)
353 "Ly, reason, equity, to rule according to law." (ibid.)
354 孔颖逹[唐],《禮記正羲》,北京：北京大学出版社,1999;黎靜德[宋]编,《朱子語類》,北京：中华书局,1986.
355 马士曼译文为："Ly is the rule dictated by heaven; the rule for human actions." (Joshua Marshman, trans., The Works of Confucius: Contained the Original Text, with a Translation, Serampore: Mission Press,1809, p51.)
Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary of Current English, Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press,2000.
359 王国维,《观堂集林》,石家庄：河北教育出版社,2001年,第139页。
360 [宋]程颢 程颐,王孝鱼点校,《二程集》之《遗书》第十一卷,北京：中华书局,1981年。
361 [宋]黎靖德 编 王星贤点校,《朱子语类》卷第二十五,北京：中华书局,1986年,第621页。
362 同上。
363 钱穆,《朱子新学案》第一册,台湾：三民书局,1989年,第367页。
364 同上,第368页。
365 同上,第366页。
366 C. R. Schoonhoven, "Heaven" in Geoffrey W. Bromiley, Everett F. Harrison et al., eds. The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia Vol. Two:E-J, USA: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.,1982, pp.654.
367 Ibid. pp.654-655.
368 马士曼所属之英国浸信会(BMS)是清教徒(Puritans)中相对弱小的分支,属于分离派(separatists)并公理宋(Congregationalists);在追求“纯洁的教会”这一理想时,对于“入会的选择”问题,浸信会采用了与众不同,亦备受争议的“成人洗礼”,摈弃“婴儿洗礼”并拥抱再洗礼派的信徒制度,而所坚持的神学观念则为彻底的加尔文主义。([美]奥尔森著,《基督教神学思想史》(吴瑞诚徐成德译),北京：北京大学出版社,2003年,第537-538页。)
369 马士曼早年的神学阅读是从马丁·路德开始的,而在相关的神学辩论书籍中,他更倾向于清教徒的论著,即清教思想,再至他加入英国浸信会这一清教分支派系,这一神学思想取好并无大的变动。正如其子J. C. Marshman为其所写传记中所说,“他更偏好十七世纪清教徒神学家的作品,相关的笔记、论述和文法风格他无一不熟,这也影响了他后来的文风以及思想取向。”(John Clark Marshman, The Life and Times of Carey, Marshman, and Ward, Embracing the History of the Serampore Mission Vol.1, London:Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans,& Roberts,1859, p. 105.)
370 [美]奥尔森著,《基督教神学思想史》(吴瑞诚徐成德译),北京：北京大学出版社,2003年,第537-538页。
371 John Calvin, The Institutes of the Christian Religion, trans, by Henry Beveridge, Edinburgh:Calvin Translation Society,1846；[法]加尔文著,徐庆誉谢秉德译,《基督教要义》,台北：基督教文艺出版社,1991年;[美]奥尔森著,《基督教神学思想史》(吴瑞诚徐成德译),北京：北京大学出版社,2003年,第495页。
372 [美]奥尔森著,《基督教神学思想史》(吴瑞诚徐成德译),北京：北京大学出版社,2003年,第541-543页。
373 [宋]程颢 程颐,王孝鱼点校,《二程集》之《遗书》卷第一,北京：中华书局,1981年,第10页。
374 钱穆,《朱子新学案》第一册,台湾：三民书局,1989年,第446页。
375 R. P. Meye, "Nature" in Geoffrey W. Bromiiey, Everett F. Harrison et al., eds. The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia Vol. Three: K-P, USA: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.,1986, p.496.
376 此处所讲之神性的特质与保罗所说的“新创造”(new creation, new nature)类似,即纯真的人性只能被上帝的造物影响作用,而对于耶稣的认知即是媒介。(ibid, p.497.)
377 ibid, pp.496-497.
378 John Calvin, The Institutes of the Christian Religion, trans, by Henry Beveridge, Edinburgh: Calvin Translation Society,1846；[法]加尔文著,徐庆誉谢秉德译,《基督教要义》,台北：基督教文艺出版社,1991年；[美]奥尔森著,《基督教神学思想史》(吴瑞诚徐成德译),北京：北京大学出版社,2003年,第495页。
379 [美]奥尔森著,《基督教神学思想史》(吴瑞诚徐成德译),北京：北京大学出版社,2003年,第495-496页。
380 在预定论中,世间万事万物的第一因(first cause)是神(上帝),之后所有的因由都是第二因(second causes),而非第一因。
381 Joshua Marshman, trans., The Works of Confucius: Contained the Original Text, with a Translation, Serampore: Mission Press,1809, p.17.
382 刘文英,《“仁”之观念的历史探源》,天府新论,1990年第6期；[韩]赵骏河,《对中国传统伦理的现代理解》,《国际儒学研究》第二辑,北京：中国社会科学出版社,1996年。
383 河北省文物管理处,《河北省平山县战国时期中山国墓葬发掘简报》,刊于《文物》1979年第1期。
384 据于省吾先生考证,《诗经》中这两个“仁”实为“夷”字,其义为“悦”。(于省吾,《泽螺居诗经新证》,北京：中华书局,1982年。
385 刘家和,《先秦儒家仁礼学说新探》,孔子研究,1990年第1期。
386 《荀子》之《天论》、《强国》、《大略》、《君道》、《议兵》,《富国》与《王制》中均有涉及。
387 《荀子》之《臣道》、《不苟》有所涉及。
388 钱穆,《朱子新学案》第一册,台湾：三民书局,1989年,第345页。
389 同上。
390 [宋]朱熹,《朱文公文集》卷六十七,上海：上海古籍出版社,2002年。
391 “性者,理也。性是体,情是用,性情皆出于心,故心能统之。统如统兵之统,言有以主之也。”([宋]黎靖德编王星贤点校,《朱子语类》卷第九十八,北京：中华书局,1986年,第2513页。)
392 [宋]朱熹,《朱文公文集》卷三十二,上海：上海古籍出版社,2002年。
393 [宋]程颢 程颐,王孝鱼点校,《二程集》之《遗书》第四卷,北京：中华书局,1981年,第74页。
394 [宋]黎站德编工星贤点校,《朱了语类》卷第六,北京：中华书局,1986年,第115页。
Collins Latin Dictionary & Grammar, UK:HarperCollins Publishers,1997.
399 [古希腊]亚里士多德著,廖申白译注,《尼各马可伦理学》,北京：商务印书馆,2003年,第35-57页。
400 T. L. Donaldson, "Virtue" in Geoffrey W. Bromiley, Everett F. Harrison et al., eds. The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia Vol. Three: Q-Z USA: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.,1988, p.993.
401 Ibid.
402 Ibid.
404 Jean Pierre Abel-Remusat, Elemens de la grammaire chinoise, ou, Principes generaux du kou-wen ou style antique: et du kouan-hoa c'est-a-dire, de la langue commune generalement usitee dans l' Empire chinois. Paris: Imprimerie Royale, 1822, ⅹⅴ-ⅹⅵ.
405 Wilhelm Lauterbach, D' Wilhelm Schtt's Vorgebliche Ubersetzung der Werke des Confucius Aus der Ursprache, Fine Literarische Betruger. Leipzig; Paris: Ponthieu, Michelsen and Comp,1828.
406 Ralph Waldo Emerson, The Journals and Miscellaneous Notebooks, vol 1-16, ed. William H. Gilman et al. Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press,1960-1970.
407 The Dial:A Magazine for Literature, Philosophy, and Religion. Vol Ⅲ. Boston:E. P. Peabody; London:J. Green,1843, p493-494
411 Geoffrey W. Bromiley, "God" in Geoffrey W. Bromiley, Everett F. Harrison et al., eds. The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia Vol. Two: E-J, USA: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.,1982, p.494.
412 W. N. Clarke, An Outline of Christian Theology, Attic Press,1898, p.66.
413 Geoffrey W. Bromiley, "God" in Geoffrey W. Bromiley, Everett F. Harrison et al., eds. The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia Vol. Two: E-J, USA:Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.,1982, p.494.
418 [宋]黎站德 编 王星贤点校,《朱子语类》卷第三,北京：中华书局,1986年,第34页。
419 [宋]黎站德 编 王星贤点校,《朱子语类》卷第三,北京：中华书局,1986年,第34页；钱穆,《朱子新学案》第一册,台湾：三民书局,1989年,第297页。
421 Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China: the History of the Union Version or the Culmination of Protestant Missionary Bible Translation in China. Sankt Augustin: Monumenta Serica Institute,1999, pp.82-84.
422 赵晓阳,《译介再生中的本土文化与异域宗教：以天主、上帝的汉语译名为视角》,近代史研究,2010年第5期,第75页。
423 William J. Boone, "An Essay on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos into the Chinese Language", Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan.,1848, pp.17-18.
424 Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary of Current English, Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press.2000.
425 Geoffrey W. Bromiley, "Sin" in Geoffrey W. Bromiley, Everett F. Harrison et al., eds. The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia Vol. Four: Q-Z, USA: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.,1988, p.518.
426 Ibid.
427 Ibid. p.519.
428 Ibid.
431 刘振东、吴海勇,《从悔过观看佛教文化对宋明理学的影响》,孔子研究,1999年第4期,第86页。
432 钱穆,《朱子新学案》第一册，台湾：三民书局,1989年,第400页。
433 同上,第407页。
435 Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary of Current English, Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press,2000.
436 G. A. Turner, "Love" in Geoffrey W. Bromiley, Everett F. Harrison et al., eds. The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia Vol. Three: K-P, USA: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.,1986, p.174.
437 在《七十士译本》(LXX)中,因为ερωс∫ ερωτα(?)(eros)一词感性的含义与联想,译者没有使用它,而是几乎全部以αγαπη/□γαπδω (agape/agapao)来翻译(?)(ahab)。(Ibid. p.175)
445 Ibid.Collins Latin Dictionary & Grammar, UK: Harper Collins Publishers,1997.
455 Philippi Couplet ed., Confucius Sinarum Philosophus, Parisiis: Horthenials,1687.
456 Thierry Meynard S. J., Confucius Sinarum Philosophus (1687):The First Translation of the Confucian Classics, Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis lesu,2011, p.4.
457 保罗·利科将“翻译”分为“向内”(internal)和“向外”(external)两种模式；作为译者,对原文本做出理解,即是在一种语言内部或不同语言之间的,自己对自己的一次内向式的“翻译”过程。(Richard Kearney, "Introduction" in On Translation by Paul Ricoeur, trans, by Eileen Brennan, London; New York: Routledge,2006, p. xiii.)
458 洪堡所学习和研究的外语中亦包括汉语,1826年3月20日他还在柏林科学院做了一个题为《论汉语的语法结构》之报告,分析了汉语与西方语言的利弊。(Wilhelm von Humboldt, Ueber den grammatischen Bau der chinesischen Sprache, Wilhelm von Humboldts Werke, Band 5 (hrsg. von Albert Leitzmann), Berlin:B. Behr's,1906, pp.309-324;转引自：方维规,《语言与思辨——西方思想家和汉学家对汉语结构的早期思考》,学术研究,2011年第4期,第130
464 Paul Ricoeur, "The Question of the Subject:The Challenge of Semiology," in Don Ihde ed. The Conflict of Interpretations:Essays In Hermeneutics, US:Northwestern University Press,1974, p.265.
465 Ibid. p.256.
466 John G. A. Pocock, "Language and Their Implications:The Transformation of the Study of Political Thought," in Politics, Language and Time, London:Methuen & Co. Ltd.,1972, p.25.
470 Ludwig J. J. Wittgenstein, On Certainty, ed. by G. E. M. Anscombe & G. H. von Wright, New York:Harper Perennial, 1972.
471 Ibid.
472 Ludwig J. J. Wittgenstein, Philosophical Investigations, trans, by G. E. M. Anscombe, Oxford:Basil Blackwell,1958, § 19.
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Marshman, Joshua. Letter to Rev. Sutdiff Olney Bucker, Serampore,9 March,1810. BMS/IN19, Angus Library, Regent's Park College, Oxford.
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Morrison, Robert, Letter to the Directors, Canton,14 Dec.1809. LMS/CH/SC,1.1.C, SO AS, London University.
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