摘要
尽管在过去几十年里取得了长足的进步,但是我们关于南亚、西亚、中亚和东亚对西藏医学传统影响的理解仍然处于初始阶段。本文通过观察几部从未被检视过的文献,对这一问题进行了进一步的探索。这些文献包括属于13世纪早期藏多巴·达玛贡波所著的药方集成中保存下来的几部小册子。可以肯定,8世纪下半叶的《月王药诊》无疑是藏医传统最古老、最重要的文献,并且与《四部医典》一样,也有着非常复杂的成书过程。本文使用了一些未曾发表过的、迄今仍不为人知的写本文献,并且注意到其与18世纪晚期以来的刻本有多处饶有意味的不同,笔者从中撷取了一些片段,包括素喀哇·洛卓嘉波(1509-1579年之后)在他的注疏中引用的最后一部《四部医典》第一章中关于胚胎学的问题。
Our understanding of the various South,West,Central,and East Asian influences on the Tibetan medical traditions is still in its beginnings,even if serious progress has been made during the past few decades of research in this area.This essay probes a little further into these matters by looking at several treatises that have not yet been examined from this angle.These treatises include several smaller tracts in the iatrosophia-collections that are attributed to the early thirteenth century Gtsang stod pa Dar ma mgon po.To be sure,the Sman dpyad zla ba'i rgyal po(月王药诊) or the *Somaraja of the second half of the eighth century is no doubt one of the oldest and more important texts of the Tibetan medical tradition that,not unlike the Four Books,the Rgyud bzhi(四部医典),also has a very complicated biography.Using an unpublished and hitherto unknown manuscript,which shows interesting variations from the late eighteenth century xylograph,I address several passages from this work,including one that Zur mkhar ba Bio gros rgyal po(1509-after 1579) cites in his commentary on the first chapter of the last of the Rgyud bzhi that deals with embryological issues.
引文
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The present essay is essentially a continuation of van der Kuijp(2010),even if Za hor as such plays no fundamental role in the present article.This will be reserved for Part Three,which will be published in one of the next issues of the Bod rigpa'i dus deb/Zangxue xuekan/Journal of Tibetology.In my translations from the Tibetan,I have dispensed with brackets where I added details that implicitly reside in the original text.
1 See Zur mkhar ba(2005:692-693).For a systematic and path-breaking study of the Four Booh in its entirety and some of its sources,see Yang Ga(2010).The origins and authorship of the Four Books were hotly debated issues,no doubt because of their palpable obscurity.Its authorship is attributed to[a]G.yu thog Yon tan mgon po(H^c.)whose dates remain unkown.In the brief biography of this elusive man,'Ja'tshon snying po(1585-1656)writes that he was its author and,quoting him,states that he had identified himself with a number of earlier individuals(de thams cadkho bo rangyin)whose re-embodiment he considered himself to have been.The list of these individuals begins with'Tsho byed Gzhon nu[=Kumara Jivaka,a figure in the canonical Buddhist vinaya literature]in the Indian subcontinent and ends with Dwags po Lha rje,that is,most probably Sgam po pa Bsod nams rin chen(1079-1153);see'Ja'tshon snying po(2013:431).This could have implications for the year in which the Four Books may have been composed.For what may so far be the earliest mention of the Four Books,see van der Kuijp(2010:24).Several dates have been proposed for G.yu thog,but none of these are backed up with a philological apparatus and should thus be discarded.It is clear that'Ja'tshon snying po does not suggest that there were two G.yu thog-s,an"old"(rnying)and a more"recent"(gsar)one as became en vogue only a little later in particular at the court of Dalai Lama V Ngag dbang bio bzang rgya mtsho(1617-1682).
2 The usual translation of rgya gar/dkar by"India"is problematic,and the same holds for rgya nag by"China,"since these prejudge the areas denoted by these toponyms and do not account at all for their shifting boundaries over time.For example,when we read in the Dunhuang document of the Li yul chos kyi lo rgyus see Emmerick(1967:85,lines61-62)-that Gandhara and Kausambi are places in rgya gar,then the translation of rgya gar by"India"simply will not do-Chinese xitian西天or tianzhuguo天竺国would certainly be much more apt.Similarly,the translations of rgya nag by"China"or中国or handi汉地or neidi内地are equally problematic.This is illustrated by the Tibetan notion that Shing kun,that is,Lintao临洮or Taozhou洮州,is located on the"Sino-Tibetan frontier"(rgya bod kyi sa mtshams)as we read,for instance,in the writings of Karma pa II Karma Pakshi(1204/6-1283);see Karma pa II(1978:20).Brag dgon Zhabs drung Dkon mchog bstan pa rab rgyas(1801-after 1867)has it that Chu ma mkhar[=Ch.?zhou,?州]also lies on the"Sino-Tibetan frontier";see Brag dgon Zhabs drung(1982:21)and the translation in Wu et al.(1989:26).The same applies to the territory and boundaries of the Tubo吐蕃state as described in the Tang sources as well as,for example,the area of Mnga'ris as part of Bod-Tibet,which extended at one point well into present day Pakistan.Further,bod is also not always used in the usual sense of"Tibet"or the Tibetan cultural area.For instance,there are passages in Thu'u bkwan III Blo bzang chos kyi nyi ma's(1737-1802)1772 history of Dgon lung monastery in which such places in Amdo as Sum pa,etc.are not located in Bod and where,instead,bod is exclusively equated with,or used with reference to,Dbus/Gtsang;see,for example,Thu'u bkwan III(1988:27,33)
3 See Schaeffer(2003:625 ff.).For the Grwa thang edition of the Rgyud bzhi and its history,in which Karma pa VII Mi bskyod rdo rje(1507-1554)also played an as yet uncertain role,see Zur mkhar ba(2005:700-703)and the interesting remarks concerning the Grwa thang,Po ta la,Beijing Zung cu ze[=?Zhizhu si智珠寺](mid 18~(th)c.),and the Khal kha ku'[=?Qalqa-Ulaanbaatar]xylograph-editions in Sog po Lung rigs bstan dar(1986:264-266)-see also his undated medical history with special emphasis on the transmission of the Four Books in the eighteenth century Sog po-Mongol scholar Lung rigs bstan dar(no date);see further Gyatso(2009:84-85)and the more detailed listing in Yang Ga(2010:120-125).Finally,for Zur mkhar ba himself,see the detailed remarks in Czaja(2005-6)and(2008).
4 Czaja(2007:358-359)and Sde srid(1970:328-329,389)and(1982:325,384-5);see also the translation in Kilty(2010:289,337).Much of the Sde srid's wording is lifted from a passage in the Dalai Lama V's autobiography,for which see Dalai Lama V(1989:637-638).Quoted in Czaja,the 1982 edition of the Sde srid's history is a typeset reprint of the Lhasa Zhol xylograph,which was reprinted in Sde srid(1970).Unfortunately,it is rife with typos and can only be used with a healthy dose of skepticism.
5 See Dalai Lama V(2009:168-174).
6 Rgyud bzhi[Lhasa Zhol xylograph](1978:121 ff.).
7 See the colophon in the handy,bilingual Mongol-Tibetan publication of this work in Rgyud bzhi[Sde dge xylograph](1991:vol.2,1876-1877).
8 Sog po Lung rigs bstan dar(1986:517).
9 Zur mkhar ba(2005:655-658,666-669,659-665);see also Yang Ga(2010:255-256,258-259,256-258).
10 Zur mkhar ba(2005:584-593,594-598);see also Yang Ga(2010:242-246).
11 Yang Ga(2010:112-118).
12 Yang Ga(2010:113,n.331).
13 For this commentary,see Vogel(1965:15-16)and Meulenbeld(1999:665-666).
14 For references,see Kilty(2010:69,271,86)and Kilty(2010:86,103).
15 Smart dpyadzla ba'i rgyal po(1985:308-316,228-233,305-308)[=Smart dpyadzla ba'i rgyalpo(1989:393-404,292-297,390-393)=Smart dpyadzla ba'i rgyal po(ms.:278b-285b,206a-210b,275b-278b)].
16 Ska ba Shes rab bzang po(2009:47);see also Xiong(2009:91),who rightly seems to have felt uneasy with the identification of this being a xylograph of the Four Books.
17 Zur mkhar ba,and his view was no doubt shared by others,points to the circumstance that the Astangahrdayasamhita[plus autocommentary]was first translated by the team of Pandita Dharmasrivarma,Nye bor Lo tsa ba Dbyig gi rin chen,Mar po Rig pa gzhon nu,and Dbyig gu Dge slong Shakya bio gros during the early part Lha bla ma Ye shes'od's(947-1019/24)life;see Zur mkhar ba(2001:262,300).
18 I am unsure of how to assess these two lines.The phrase yu gur ka shi smir points to Uyghur and Kashmir,but it is not clear to me how this fits in these lines.
19 Sde srid(1970:184)and(1982:177).
20 Kilty(2010:170).
21 For a discussion of the word"China"and its origins,which Wade(2009:18-22)recently traced back to'\ina,the Lolo/Yi autonym for the people and polity known in Chinese as夜郎Yelang",and for an interesting Sanskrit loan word in the Huainanzi准南子of the second century B.C.E.,see Toh(2010),where the words in question are kesi andjisi雞斯·A Chinese dietary detail and Chinese silk or cloth seems to have been known to both Caraka and Susruta.
22 See Brang ti(2005).Long ago,I located an as yet unpublished,forty-eight folio dbu med manuscript of his Shes bya rab gsal rgyas pa[Bdud rtsi snying po yan lag brgyad/gsang pa man ngag gis rgyud kyi spyi don shes bya rab gsal rgyas pa]which was part of the huge collection of Tibetan texts of the Nationalities Library of the Cultural Palace of Nationalities,Beijing.
23 We find this Zur mkhar ba(2001:308).
24 The term hor gyi rgyal po,"king of[the]Hor,"occurs in the manuscript of the Li yul chos kyi lo rgyus and,following an earlier suggestion made by J.Bacot,Emmerick(1967:85,line 63,107)states that it refers to the Turks.However,L.Ligeti proposed in his magisterial study of Pelliot Tibetain 1283 that had been studied by Bacot,in Ligeti(1971:172-176),that,bearing in mind that the document appears to refer to events of the late ninth and early tenth centuries,the ethnonyms hor[and dru gu]are unstable and on occasion refer to the Uyghurs[and the Turks]and vice versa.Thang dpon Tshe stobs(1990)contributed some interesting remarks on dru gu in the Ge sar epic.
25 See the first section of his large chronicle in Sog po Bio bzang rta dbyangs(1964:31a ff.).
26 Confer the second part of his work in Sog po Bio bzang rta dbyangs(1964:42a),where he cites Sum pa Mkhan po(1975:628)[=1992:1008];see also the translation by Pu and Cai(2013:537),where horyul is simply rendered huo'er diqu霍尔地区,"hor region."
27 The passage is found in De'u dinar(1994:673).
28 The year 1710 in which he allegedly passed away is so far found only in Don rdor and Bstan'dzin chos grags(1993:681),where it is stated,without proper foundation,that the exact date of his death is unclear but that he lived for seventythree years.
29 See'Be Lo tsa ba(n.d.:36a).I am very grateful to Dr.Yang Ga for having shared with me a copy of this rare work.It also appears that Zur mkhar ba did not consider the existence of two G.yu thog pa's either.
30 In an endnote to his translation of this passage,Kilty(2010:522,n.373)suggests that he may possibly be identified as"Huitsung[=?Huizong徽宗,vdK](1333-70),last of the Yuan emperors".The last Yuan emperor was Toyon Temur or Shundi顺帝,whose reign lasted from July 19,1333 to May 30,1370,that is,roughly until two years after the fall of the Yuan.
31 His name appears in many places;see,for example,Taube(1981:62,n.233).
32 See Taube(1981),the very useful biographical dictionary of Tibetan physicians in Byams pa phrin las(2000),Bla ma skyabs(1997).
33 It should be pointed out the designation"Phags pa script"is based on what it has been called in Chinese sources.Neither the numerous Tibetan biographies of'Phags pa Blo gros rgyal mtshan(1235-1280)nor any other Tibetan sources breathe a word about his alleged development of this script,which the Tibetans call hor gyi/pa'i yi ge,"Mongol script,"and the Mongols call dorbeljin usug,"square script,"-in Tibetan hor yig gru bzhipa and hor yig gsar pa,"new Mongol script."No doubt following Chinese precedent,later Mongol historiography attributes the script to'Phags pa,and sometimes even to his uncle Sa skya Pandita.
34 This edict has been published several times,including in Sgrol dkar(1995:1-3),Wang Mingxing王明星and Jia Yang甲央[ 35 Brang ti(2005:107-108).
36 Brang ti(2005:91).
37 For what follows,see Martin(2007:311-12,314-17).
38 For stag gzig[and its many variant readings from ta zig to stag gzigs]and phrom/khrom,and their rough location,see now also Martin(2011:126-127).For the erstwhile Tibetan presence in what is now part of Afghanistan,see Beckwith(1987:130 ff.),and,more recently,Mock(2013:5-9).
39 See Gtsang stod pa(2006),even this volume does not clearly demarcate where the Zin thig/tig ends and where the Yang thig/tig begins.For a manuscript of this work,see Gtsang stod pa(1975);see tbrc.org W1KG12775.Gtsang stod pa(1976)seems to be filiated quite differently.Not found in the other two editions,it begins[pp.1-9]with a short tract on some controversial points in medicine,the Gso ba rig pa la'jug pa'i rtsod spong.Finally,yet another recension is Gtsang stod pa(2013).
40 Gtsang stod pa(2006:573).
41 Bod lugs gso rig tshig mdzodchen mo,ed.Bod rang skyong sman rtsis khang(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2006:773-774);see also Pasang Yonten Arya(1998:145,221,223-224).However,on p.13 of this work,we are also told that zin tig is equally used to denote lime powder.These references show the wide margins of uncertainty that surround the identification of specimen from Tibetan medical botany and the Tibetan materia medica in general,the study of which has barely gotten out of the starting gate.Aside from a massive number of specialized studies of the pharmacology of plants used in Tibetan medicine that are published in China and written in Chinese,an important study of a select number of such plants in English is Kletter and Kriechbaum(2001).
42 See the Gso dpyad rin po che'i'khrungs dpe bstan pa,Gso rig sman gyi ro nus ngos'dzin gsal ston phyogs sgrig rin chen sgron me,ed.Dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe raying zhib jug khang,Mes po'i shul bzhag 2(Beijing:Krung go'i bod rig pa dpe skrun khang,2007:125,176,190).
43 See Martin(2011:133-134),van der Kuijp(2010:30-31,n.2),and the relevant passages in Gso dpyad rin po che'i'khrungs dpe bstan pa,75,81,116,etc.
44 See Gso dpyad rin po che'i'khrungs dpe bstan pa,75.
45 Gso spyad[sic.dpyad]sngo sbyor tshogs kyi man ngag rin chen'khrungs dpe bstan pa(Leh:Tashi Y.Tashigang,1974),6-7[3b-4a],mdlbid.[3b-4a],tbrc.org W4CZ16918.
46 See Touwaide(2007:170),as quoted in Clark(2011:2-3).
47 Gtsang stod pa(2006:86).
48 Gtsang stod pa(2006:169-174).For Mitrayogin's ties to ophthalmology,see also Czaja(2007:348).
49 Gtsang stod pa(2006:458).Of course,I am fully cognizant that"muse"is a problematic translation of mkha''gro[ma]I dakirii,but one can easily argue that"she who goes in the skies"is not a very helpful one either.
50 Gtsang stod pa(2006:602).
51 Zurmkharba(1989:82)ad Zur mkharba(2005:15).
52 This is presumably an abbreviation of rdo thai dkar po;see Dga'ba'i rdo rje(1995:65-66).It would appear that the expression rdo dkar bsregs pa does not occur in the Tibetan translations of the Astangahrdayasamhita,its autocommentary,or the commentary by Candranandana!
53 This may refer Astangahrdayasamhita I:17,17c:ksaragni,even if it there is an obvious dvandva compound that is respectively rendered as"Veratzung und Feuerbehandlung"and"caustic alkali and branding by fire"in,respectively,Hilgenberg and Kirfel(1941:97)and Murthy(1991:222).The Tibetan translation in Bstan'gyur[dpe bsdur ma],ed.Krung go'i bod rig pa zhib'jug lte gnas kyi bka'bstan dpe sdur khang,vol.111(Beijing:Krung go'i bod kyi shes rig dpe skrun khang,2003),no.3547,233,faithfully rendered it by thai sman me btsa'.
54 Zur mkhar ba(2005:200)ad A General Treatment of Fever(tsha ba spyi bcos)chapter:dugs kyis'phral gyi zug gzer bcagpa dang//,and Dar mo Sman rams pa(1989:144),who comments on Book Three of the Rgyudbzhi.
55 Dga'ba'i rdo rje(1995:53)under dkar[dkar is homophonous with'khar and mkhar]gong srin can.
56 Gtsang stod pa(2006:520-530).
57 According to Dga'ba'i rdo rje(1995:239-240),the term spra ba or spra thog/tog pa refers to the Leontopodium franchetii Beauv.,which grows in Khams[=Western Sichuan]and Yunnan provinces.It is mentioned in the Tibetan translation of the Astangahrdayasamhita,in Bstan'gyur[dpe bsdur ma],ed.Krung go'i bod rig pa zhib'jug lte gnas kyi bka'bstan dpe sdur khang,vol.111,224,where it corresponds to buka in Astangahrdayasamhita I:15,24a.However,Hilgenberg and Kirfel(1941:85)identified buka as Mimusops Elengi L.or Spanish cherry,which is in every respect quite different from the Leontopodium franchetii Beauv.See also Meulenbeld(1974:580)sv bakula.
58 Zur mkhar ba(1989:31)cites another Ha shang as the author of a'Bum'grel.
59 Gtsang stod pa(2006:532).
60 See Yoeli-Tlalim(2012:53-60).These documents are edited and translated into Chinese in Luo(2002),which is an updated,expanded and corrected version of the earlier Luo and Huang(1983).One important problem with these contributions is that the authors mistakenly believe that the Rgyud bzhi dates from around 800,inasmuch as they ascribe its authorship to the elder G.yu thog Yon tan mgon po and formulate arguments from this indefensible ascription.
61 Luo(2002:41,66-67);Luo(2002:53-104),contains informative essays on the history of moxibustion,Tibetan me btsa',and a comparison of what these documents have to say with the relevant chapter on me btsa'in the Rgyud bzhi(see infra n.51).But see also the general overview on the subject,the typology of me btsa',and the sources in Dpa'ris Sangs rgyas tshe ring(1994:135-149).
62 See,respectively,Smart dpyad zla ba'i rgyal po(1989:390-393,393-404)[=5man dpyadzla ba'i rgyal po(1985:305-308,308-316)=Sman dpyad zla ba'i rgyal po(ms.:275b-277b,277b-285b)]and Zur mkhar ba(2005:659-665,666-669).
63 An excellent account of a good number of these and their inter-textualities is given in Garrett(2007:363-387).
64 See Beckwith(1979)and now also the references in Yoeli-Tlalim(2010:195,n.3).Rin chen rgyal(1999:95-102)and(2011:286-297),seems to have been unaware of Beckwith's earlier essay.
65 See,respectively,Martin's paper cited above in n.37,Yoeli-Tlalim(2012),which repeats much of what she has written in her other papers that are mentioned in this essay,and,for example,Rin chen rgyal(2007)-1 should like to thank him for kindly providing me with a copy of his valuable dissertation some years ago-as well as its publication in Rin chen rgyal(2011)and Rin chen rgyal(2013).
66 See,in particular,Yoeli-Tlalim(2010).
67 See,for example,Chen(2006).
68 See Zhen(2004:42-76).
69 Martin(2011:128-130),but see also van der Kuijp(2010:32-33,n.1)where some earlier sources are cited for him being possibly a Tibetan even if this appears unlikely.
70 Tsan pa shi la ha(2014:201-235).
71 Martin(2011:130-131,n.38,and 136).Two dissimilar but quite corrupt editions of this work have been published so far,one in Lhasa(2005)and the other in Beijing(2006)in the prestigious Arura series(vol.033).
72 See also the detailed remarks in Rin chen rgyal(2011:13-14).Rin chen rgyal's witnesses of the text of the Somaraja were the Sde dge xylograph,including the Indian reprint published in Leh[and not in Delhi!]-this is Sman dpyad zla ba'i rgyalpo(1989)-,as well as a manuscript for which see below.
73 The term somaraja is also one of the dozen or so names for the Abelmoschus moschatus(L.)Medik[=Hibiscus abelmoschus L.];see also Dga'ba'i rdo rje(1995:305).
74 See van derKuijp(1988:19,n.21).
75 Kolmas(1968:40-41).
76 For Si tu Pan chen and the vast range of his learning,see the issue"Si tu Pan chen:Creation and Cultural Engagement in Eighteenth-Century Tibet,"of the on-line Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies 1(2013).
77 In a diary entry for the middle of 1724,we learn that he was reading a bit from Sanskrit manuscripts of the Astangahrdayasamhitd and Candranandana's commentary while he sojourned in the'Bri gung pa meditation cave complex of Rgyang grags,not far from the place where Mi la ras pa had his famous encounter with a Bon po;see Si tu Pan chen(1968:130),and also'Be Lo tsa ba's biography of his master Si tu Pan chen in Si tu Pan chen and'Be Lo tsa ba(1972:500).
78 Si tu Pan chen(1968:696):sman yig par gyi maphyi'u sti[sic]Inga bskur'dug/so ma ra dza bsgrig lugs blta rgyu bskur byung/.The more correct text of portions of this entry are found in Si tu Pan chen and'Be Lo tsa ba(1972:627):sman yig par gyi ma phyi pusti Inga/so ma ra dza bsgrig lugs gzigs rgyu sogs'byor ba zhal bkod gnang I.
79 Rin chen rgyal(2007:2-17)and(2011:3-37).
80 See Sman dpyadzla ba'i rgyalpo(1989:407).
81 For this term that ultimately derives from Sanskrit vaidya,see van der Kuijp(2010:32,n.1).
82 Sman dpyadzla ba'i rgyalpo(1989:4)[=Sman dpyadzla ba'i rgyalpo(1985:3)]has a gloss under chapter eightysix,"vomiting"(skyugs),namely,"four text-witnesses do not have it"(ma dpe bzhi la mi'dug).
83 Sman dpyad zla ba'i rgyal po(1989:9-10)[=Sman dpyad zla ba'i rgyal po(1985:3-4)]offers Mount Be ta(be ta ri),which it locates at"the center"(dbus).Of fundamental significance is that,apart from a plethora of important variant readings and additional interlinear glosses[in red and black ink],the manuscript of the Sman dpyad zla ba'i rgyal po(ms.:lb-2b)about which more will be said below consistently has ghe'u de shan for the Sde dge xylograph's be ta ri.Tibetan ri surely reflects Chinese shan山,"mountain."Further,there is little doubt that we should see in ghe'u de an early pronunciation of wutai五台.For this reason,I am inclined to submit that Ghe'u de shan reflects Chinese五台山.To be sure,ManjusrI is associated with Mount Wutai and this item also plays a fundamental role in an early work on Indo-Tibetan materia medica,for which see,for example,the'Jam dpal gyi sngo'bum gsal ba'i sgron me,Gso rig sman gyi ro nus ngos'dzin gsal ston phyogs sgrig rin chen sgron me,ed.Dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe mying zhib'jug khang,Mes po'i shul bzhag 2(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2007),1-23;the manuscript is reproduced on pp.403-413.
84 Sman dpyad zla ba'i rgyal po(1989:406-407)[=Sman dpyad zla ba'i rgyal po(1985:318)].
85 What follows is to some degree based on Rin chen rgyal(2007:15-16)and(2011:31-34).
86 For the variations of the meaning of bam po as a unit of text-length,see van der Kuijp(2009).This text-unit is found only in most of Tibetan translations of canonical texts but never in non-canonical texts.Given that the*Somaraja has thusfar not been found in any collection of canonical works-the same holds for the Rgyud bzhil-,it would appear that the presence of bam po dang po in the manuscript is pretentious and was added in conscious imitation of a canonical text.
87 See the sketch of his works and days in Byams pa phrin las(2000:268-272),which is in part based on a manuscript of his Bdudrtsi'i chu rgyun history of medicine,which is[or was]housed in the library of Nor bu gling kha,Lhasa,and unfortunately remains unpublished.
88 Dpa'bo II(1986:1518-1519).
89 See Dba'bzhed(2000:44,n.101);see also Sba bzhed(19S2:5).
90 Sde srid(1970:158-160),and Kilty(2010:149-152),which includes a translation of the chapter headings.
91 See,respectively,Zur mkhar ba(2005:701)and Zur mkhar ba(2001:207-208).Be this as it may,he uses the phrase"Nagarjuna's Somaraja"(klu sgrub kyi so ma ra dza)in Zur mkhar ba(2001:250)!
92 Zur mkhar ba(1989a:128).Giving detailed reasons,this Book was severely edited in Dar mo Sman rams pa(1989a:664-665),and the original xylograph concludes with a benedictive prayer of Dalai Lama V of 1679;see Dalai Lama V(1991:152).
93 Zur mkhar ba(1989b:692-693)ad Zur mkhar ba(2005:586):bltas dus...gnas du blta//.
94 The snying rtsa is discussed in the*Somarqja's sixteenth chapter where,however,no mention is made of its coiled shape;see Sman dpyadzla ba'i rgyalpo(1989:78-79)[=Sman dpyadzla ba'i rgyalpo(1985:59-60)=Sman dpyad zla ba'i rgyalpo(ms.:51b-52b)].For the various rtsa,see inter alia Meyer(1983:118-127)and Garrett(2008a),which I have not seen.See further Zhen(2007)and the very recent publication of Gyatso(2015),which I have also not yet seen.
95 For these,see Bod lugs gso rig tshig mdzod chen mo,ed.Bod rang skyong sman rtsis khang,363,sv don snod.
96 Zurmkharba(1989b:700,718).
97 See,for example,Zur mkhar ba(1989a:128-129,210).
98 Vagbhata treats embryology,pre-natal care,and the pre-natal development of the fetus in Astdngahrdayasamhita II:1,37-66;see Hilgenberg and Kirfel(1941:165-168)and Murthy(1991:366-372).For recent studies of what is at stake here,see Meyer(1983:111-116),Das(2003:passim),and Garrett(2008:72ff.,88ff.).
99 The term kun gzhi or lain gzhi mam shes occurs a number of times in the*Somardja,the first incidence of which is found in Sman dpyadzla ba'i rgyalpo(1989:11)[=Sman dpyadzla ba'i rgyalpo(1985:4)=Sman dpyadzla ba'i rgyal po(ms.:3a)],together with the term"impression"(bag chags,vasana).It is obvious that their use was inspired by Yogacara Buddhism,as is clear from the aforesaid passage,which states:'gro ba drug ni thams cad la//las dang nyon mongs dag dang ni//kun gzhi rnams shes bag chags las//grub ste...l intend to return to these terms in the*Somaraja on a future occasion.Notwithstanding the fact that the term kun gzhi/kun gzhi mam shes(alaya/alayavijhana)is as absent from the Rgyud bzhi as it is from the Astahgahrdayasamhitd,the twelfth chapter of the Rgyud bzhi's Explanatory Book does contain the typical Yogacara triad of gzhan dbang(*paratantra),kun brtags(*parikalpita)and yongs grub(*parinispanna),for which see Zur mkhar ba(2005:53).
100 Zurrakharba(1989a:129).
101 Smart dpyadzla ba'i rgyal po(1989:11-12)[=Smart dpyad zla ba'i rgyal po(1985:5)=Smart dpyad zla ba'i rgyal po(ms.:3b-4a)].
102 For a discussion of this term and pes!below,see Das(2003:535-536,562-563).
103 On the"neither male,nor female"question in general,see the highly illuminating paper in Gyatso(2003)and the observations in Gyatso(2010).
104 Zur mkhar ba(2005:22-23).
105 Maetal.(1993:4);see also Maetal.(2012:3)of what is essentially a reprint of this Ma etal.(1993),albeit with a somewhat different chapter arrangement.
106 See,respectively,Bstan'gyur[dpe bsdur ma],ed.Krung go'i bod rig pa zhib'jug Ite gnas kyi bka'bstan dpe sdur khang(Beijmg:Krung go'i bod kyi shes rig dpe skrun khang,2003),vol.79,no.3319,304,Taisho shinshu daizokyo,ed.J.Takakusu and K.Watanabe,comp.G.Ono(Tokyo:Taisho issaikyo kankokai,1924-34),vol.29,no.1559,204c9-13,and no.1558,47c 17-20,and Vasubandhu(1981:433).
107 Sakaki(1962:275,no.4070)and Hirakawa(1973:51,150).
108 See,for example,the passages of the Garbhavakrantisutra in Kritzer(2014:90-91,173-174).
109 Sman dpyadzla ba'i rgyalpo(ms.:287a).
110 What follows is based on Rin chen rgyal(2007:4-8)and(2011:8-15).
111 Rin chen rgyal(2007:14,nos.164 and 168)and(2011:295,nos.164 and 168),which reference Zhang and Zhang(1986:235-237)and Gazang chenlai(1992).I am afraid I have seen neither.
112 For an annotated translation,see now Unschuld et al.(20!1).
113 Here,Skal bzang phrin las apparently cited a passage from the*Somardja's ninety-fourth chapter on medicines and foods;see the Sman dpyad zla ba'i rgyal po(1989:320)[=Sman dpyad zla ba'i rgyal po(1985:250)=Sman dpyad zla ba'i rgyal po(ms.:255b-256a)].
114 Sde srid(1970:156)and(1982:150)[=Kilty(2010:148)]and Dpa'bo II(1986:1518).This bit of information or disinformation also entered into the general suveys of the history of medicine in China;see for example Yu(1983:102).For Stag tshang Lo tsa ba's piece on medicine,see Stag tshang Lo tsa ba(2007:44-57);he refers his reader to his own study of medicine,the Gso dpyad spyi don,on p.46.
115 U rgyan gling pa(1986:499).
116 Sman dpyadzla ba'i rgyalpo(ms.,3b-4a).
117 Zur mkhar ba(2001:273).
118 See Yoeli-Tlalim(2010:196-197,206),(2012:358-359),and(2012a:56-57).Her statements in especially the latter concerning the origin of the Tibetan word for camphor are flawed,being based on a misreading of the remarks in Laufer(1916:457,no.49)and Laufer(1967:478-479,591).Laufer stated that,in all its different speUings,the Tibetan word for camphor derives from Sanskrit karpura.
119 Beckwith(1980);see also Nappi(2009)for some interesting historical remarks on theriac.
120 See,respectively,Luo(2002:156,1.432,261)and Dga'ba'i rdo rje(1995:218-219).
121 Sman dpyad zla ba'i rgyal po(1989:312-316)[=Sman dpyad zla ba'i rgyal po(1985:244-247)=Sman dpyad zla ba'i rgyal po(ms.:221a-223a)].
122 See the entry in Pasang Yonten Arya(1998:97-99).
123 Zur mkhar ba(2001:263).
124 Zhwa dmar VI(2009;469).
125 Wujastyk(1985:74-78).
126 For a detailed study of the materials on which the compiler of the Rgyud bzhi has drawn,see Yang Ga(2010:146ff.).
127 Martin(2007:318-320).
128 See Khyur sman pa gling G.yung drung bkra shis(2003)and Gso rig'bum bzhi,ed.Mtsho sngon zhing chen bod kyi gso rig zib jug khang,Arura 036(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2006).For a study of this work that was written in 1888-9,see'Tsho byed'Jigs med nam mkha1 rdo rje(2006).
129 See,for example,Thub bstan phun tshogs(2004:99-103),which is reprinted in the foreword to his edition of the Gso rig'bum bzhi,for which see Thub bstan phun tshogs(2005:1-12).See also Me tog rgya mtsho(2007).
130 See Nam mkha'i nor bu(1996:47 ff.),and his views and those of others that are cited in Bellezza(2010:31,n.2).
131 Aside from the relevant Duanhang manuscripts and their philological problems,for an idea as to how corrupt a twelfth century manuscript of a medical text might look like,see Pa tshab Pa sangs dbang'dus and Glang ru Nor bu tshe ring(2007:76-83,212-235).To be sure,many other examples can be given of manuscripts of this kind.
132 See'Brug mo skyid and Rdo rje rin chen(2004:165,173-176)as well as Bha ro Phyag rdum et al.(2006:369-370,377-381).